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Politics : Bill Clinton Scandal - SANITY CHECK -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Borzou Daragahi who wrote (24393)12/24/1998 2:19:00 AM
From: greenspirit  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 67261
 
Borzou, can't you just see the television commercials the Republicans are now going to run for the year 2000 election! :-)

I can visualize a few....A picture of Larry Flynt next to Al Gore. Who do you trust to run the country? A pornographers friend or ______:-)

It's going to be really comical! I can just see the spit flying from Carville on that one. :-)

Michael



To: Borzou Daragahi who wrote (24393)12/24/1998 10:44:00 AM
From: Les H  Respond to of 67261
 
C.I.A. Ignored Report of Payments to Chinese for Satellite Contracts

WASHINGTON -- CIA officers in China told headquarters in March 1996 that a consultant for American aerospace companies had made payments to Chinese officials in hopes of getting lucrative contracts, U.S. intelligence officials say.

The allegation, made in a secret cable, should have set off alarm bells. U.S. law bars companies or individuals from paying bribes overseas to secure contracts, and the CIA has agreed to share information about potential criminal activity with the Justice Department.

But for reasons that remain unclear, the cable languished in CIA files for more than two years, the officials said. It was unearthed this year only after congressional committees began examining whether the Clinton administration had compromised national security in its zeal to promote high technology exports to China, the officials said.

The consultant is Bansang Lee, a Chinese-American who worked for Hughes Space & Communications and for Loral Space & Communications.

It is not clear whether the cable specifies on whose behalf Lee would have been making any payments to Chinese officials, or what kind of officials these were. Nor is it clear whose money the CIA believed it was, or how much money passed hands.

Administration officials say the Justice Department is now examining Lee's activities more closely.

His lawyer, Brian O'Neill, said his client "has never made any unlawful or improper payments of any kind to any Chinese official." Spokesmen for Hughes and Loral deny any wrongdoing but declined to discuss Lee's activities.

A CIA official said the failure to pass the cable on to the Justice Department had been an oversight that was now being reviewed by the CIA's inspector general. But it marks the second time this year that CIA officials have acknowledged that they failed to disseminate potentially significant information about questionable dealings involving China and American satellite manufacturers.

The incident also illustrates the pressures that confront American manufacturers as they compete with European companies for a share of a Chinese market in which individual satellite sales can be worth as much as $1 billion.

Lee was born in China but educated in the United States, receiving a doctorate from Princeton University in electrical engineering. Industry executives say he served as a crucial intermediary between American companies and Chinese aerospace officials who on one hand were buying Western satellites and on the other hand marketing their country's ability to launch these satellites with China's own rockets.

State Department documents and interviews with industry executives suggest that Lee appears to have had a hand in both endeavors. During his years working for Hughes, the company sold hundreds of millions of dollars in satellites and telecommunications equipment to Chinese concerns, and Loral made its first satellite sale to China after it hired Lee.

When he was working at Loral, Lee suggested that the company help Chinese rocket scientists understand the causes of a failed satellite launch in 1996, according to State Department documents. Loral sent technicians to China, and their dealings with Chinese scientists, carried out without U.S. government approval, are now the focus of a criminal investigation and Congressional inquiries.

A federal grand jury is examining whether Loral, in 1996, and Hughes, in an earlier accident investigation, illegally shared American expertise with China, helping it improve the reliability of their launchings of satellites and ballistic missiles. The companies deny any wrongdoing.

That inquiry had its roots nearly a decade ago when American satellite manufacturers sought to do more business with China after the Bush administration approved the first launches of American satellites on Chinese rockets.

Hughes was the first American satellite maker to establish a foothold in Beijing, and it opened a new office for Asian deals in Tokyo.

The company hired Lee as a Hong Kong-based consultant in 1989, and by the early 1990s, former
executives said, Hughes was seeking closer ties to the powerful China Aerospace Corp., which sells
missiles, launches rockets and makes communications satellites.

Lee was an ideal go-between. He had a close working relationship with Liu Jiyuan, the chairman of
China Aerospace, a satellite industry executive said.

Lee moved to Beijing in 1992 and the next year became a full-time Hughes employee, satellite
executives said. One executive said the company was so pleased with the business that Lee had
generated as a consultant that it failed to conduct a thorough background investigation before hiring
him.

One year later, Lee's Chinese business dealings came under scrutiny within Hughes after company
employees in Beijing raised questions about some of his private business deals, said a former
Hughes executive, who declined to be identified but read from notes he kept of the inquiry into
Lee's activities.

One of Lee's separate business deals with a China Aerospace subsidiary entitled him to payments of
about $1 million for every Hughes satellite launched on a Chinese rocket, the former Hughes
executive and a government investigator said.

Lee told Hughes officials that no payments had ever been made, that he had disclosed the general
outlines of the deal to the company previously and that the agreement was no longer active, former
Hughes executives said. But some Hughes officials called for his immediate dismissal, the former
executives said.

A spokeswoman for Hughes, Helen Sanders, would not discuss Lee's resignation, saying it was the
subject of a confidential agreement. She said Lee had stopped working for the company in
February 1995.

A few weeks later, Loral, which was trying to break into the Chinese market, hired Lee, aerospace
executives said. Thomas Ross, Loral's vice president for government relations, said the company
was not aware of any "allegations at the time" it hired Lee and knows of "no allegations of
wrongdoing by Lee during the period he has served as a consultant to Loral."

A former Loral executive said Loral's chief of security had been concerned about Lee's close ties to
Chinese officials. But other satellite executives said Loral had been pleased with Lee's work,
especially his instrumental role in getting Loral to sell its first satellite to China, Chinasat 8.

Lee's activities in China appear to have attracted little attention in Washington, except for the
neglected 1996 CIA cable. Intelligence officials said the cable mentioned both Hughes and Loral,
but further details could not be learned.

The issue was dormant until 1998, when it was disclosed that Loral and Hughes were under
investigation for possible illegal transfers of rocket expertise to China. Congress began its own
inquiries, and a House select committee asked the CIA for information about Lee, bringing the 1996
cable to light.

About the same time, inquiries from the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence led to the
discovery that a CIA scientist, Ronald Pandolfi, had learned about Hughes' sharing of expertise with
the Chinese in 1995. Pandolfi wrote a draft intelligence estimate report warning about the military
implications in April 1996, about a month after the cable arrived. The CIA decided not to distribute
the classified report to select government officials, as is routinely done with intelligence estimates,
saying it was insufficiently rigorous.

Both the cable and Pandolfi's report were written at a time when President Clinton was moving to
ease restrictions on satellite deals and had shifted primary oversight of sales from the State
Department to the Commerce Department.

In recent reports the Pentagon largely embraced Pandolfi's conclusions, saying Hughes had
provided valuable technological insights to the Chinese in 1995.

And last week, the State Department's intelligence arm asserted in a separate report that China had
significantly improved its ability to launch rockets reliably as a result of the help from Hughes,
lessons inherently applicable to China's missile program, an administration official said.

The Pentagon and State Department have raised similar concerns about the help that Loral gave the
Chinese in 1996 as it investigated another failed launch.

The outside review of that accident was organized by Liu, the China Aerospace chairman and
associate of Lee. In February 1996, before the outside committee was formed, Lee asked the
Chinese to include a Loral representative as part of the investigation, according to a State
Department cable recounting what Lee told a U.S. diplomat at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing.

Several weeks later, when Liu specifically sought a top Loral executive to head the outside review,
Lee relayed the Chinese request to the Loral executive, according to Loral documents.



To: Borzou Daragahi who wrote (24393)12/24/1998 10:47:00 AM
From: Les H  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 67261
 
Labour government rocked by high level resignations

By Julie Hyland
24 December 1998

Two leading ministers in Tony Blair's Labour government resigned within
hours of each other on Wednesday afternoon.

Peter Mandelson, Trade and Industry Secretary, quit at lunchtime just days
after it was disclosed that he had failed to declare a £373,000 loan made
to him by fellow minister Geoffrey Robinson, the Paymaster General. The
loan was made by Robinson in 1996 when the two were in opposition.
Mandelson's resignation as head of the Department of Trade & Industry
(DTI) left Robinson no option but to take a similar course of action later in
the day.

Robinson, a multimillionaire with a personal wealth estimated at between
£18 million and £30 million, had agreed to help Mandelson purchase a
£475,000 house in Notting Hill, London two years ago. Mandelson stated
that he considered the loan an "entirely personal, non-political confidential
matter between two friends". But he failed to disclose the loan even when
his own department began an investigation into Robinson's business affairs,
following a reprimand by the House of Commons earlier this year for not
properly declaring numerous business interests.

The press became aware of the loan arrangement last Thursday but held
the story back while Britain and the United States conducted their bombing
raids against Iraq. Since the Guardian newspaper first disclosed details on
Monday, Mandelson spent several days in a frantic round of media
interviews aimed at explaining his position and denying any allegations of
"sleaze".

Peter Mandelson is a close friend of the prime minister. As senior "spin
doctor" he was credited with ensuring Blair's succession to the Labour
leadership following the death of John Smith in 1994, and is one of the
main driving forces behind the Labour Party's "modernisation". But even
Blair was not told of the loan until just a week ago.

On Monday Blair issued a personal statement saying he was "confident"
that Mandelson was "properly insulated" from any decision by DTI officials
regarding Robinson's business arrangements. But the Conservative Party
was rumoured to be after "bigger fish". This was followed by further
allegations in the Guardian on Wednesday that Robinson had "bankrolled"
Chancellor Gordon Brown's office, staff and research costs whilst in
opposition.

In his resignation letter to the prime minister Mandelson stated that he did
not "believe that I have done anything wrong or improper. But I should not,
with all candour, have entered into the arrangement. I should, having done
so, have told you and other colleagues whose advice I value. And I should
have told my Permanent Secretary on learning of the inquiry into Geoffrey
Robinson, although I had entirely stood aside from this." He went on, "But
we came to power promising to uphold the highest possible standards in
public life. We have not just to do so, but we must be seen to do so.
Therefore with huge regret I wish to resign."

In response, Blair praised Mandelson: "Without your support and advice
we would never have built New Labour." Holding the door open for the
former DTI minister to maintain a leading, albeit less public, role in
government, he continued that it was his belief that "in the future, you will
achieve much, much more with us".

Geoffrey Robinson stated in his resignation letter he had "done nothing
wrong" and would "vigorously defend myself against any allegations. In the
case of the loan to Peter Mandelson, I merely considered myself in 1996
as someone in a position to help a long-standing friend, with no request for
anything". Yet "after more than 12 months of a highly charged political
campaign, the point has been reached when I feel that it is no longer right
that you or your Government should be affected by or have to contend
with these attacks."

When Labour came to power in 1997 it promised to "clean up politics"--a
reference to a series of corruption scandals that had engulfed the previous
Tory administration. Three months later Blair issued a revised code of
conduct for his ministers aimed at helping to restore "the bond of trust
between the people and their government".

The code stated that ministers should "order their affairs so that no conflict
arises or is thought to arise between their private interests (financial or
otherwise) and their public duties." Ministers "must scrupulously avoid any
danger of an actual or apparent conflict of interest" and "no minister or
public servant should accept gifts, hospitality or services from anyone
which would, or might appear to, place him or her under an obligation".

Although the relationship between Mandelson and Robinson has not
strictly broken the code in this instance, given that they were in opposition
at the time, the latter was the first leading Labour figure whose personal
dealings had been called into question. This included his use of offshore
trusts as repositories for his personal fortune.

Blair was forced to sacrifice the two to save his government's credibility. In
his reply to Mandelson's resignation letter, Blair went on, "as you said to
me 'we can't be like the last lot' and that what we are trying to achieve for
the country is more important than any individual".

It is not the first time that Blair has had to lose a key minister in order to
silence a press campaign. In October he accepted the resignation of Welsh
Secretary Ron Davies, another close political ally, following allegations that
he had been looking for "gay sex" when he was robbed in a London park.
The latest resignations bring to five the total number of ministers to have
quit the government in the last 20 months.

However, whilst Blair has used the resignations as a sign of his
preparedness to act tough, they have undoubtedly weakened the prime
minister. They have also led to speculation on who was responsible for
leaking details of Mandelson's personal loan. There are allegations that the
"finger on the trigger" came from within the Labour leadership, the product
of an ongoing "power struggle" between Blair's office and that of
Chancellor Gordon Brown.

>>>Sort of smells like Clinton.