SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Bill Clinton Scandal - SANITY CHECK -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Neocon who wrote (35144)2/23/1999 9:34:00 AM
From: Les H  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 67261
 
SHRINKING BUDGETS, AND A GROWING GOVERNMENT
Chicago Tribune
February 21, 1999

When it comes to the taxpayers' money, Bill
Clinton is all things to all people. Unlike
presidents who claimed to be stingy, he
offers a budget plan that delivers tidy
surpluses. Yet he also manages to hand out
goodies faster than the Easter Bunny,
proposing dozens of new programs for the
next fiscal year. When confronted with the
question of whether Clinton is a
conservative or a liberal, the average voter
may be inclined to answer, "Yes."

Despite his unquenchable fondness for
spending, federal outlays are a shrinking
share of an expanding economy. Under
Ronald Reagan, they rose as high as 23.6
percent of total economic output. Under
Clinton--and a Republican
Congress--they've fallen below 20 percent
and are projected to drop to 18.5 percent
by 2004, which would be the lowest level in
more than 30 years.

Does this mean the era of big government is
really over? It doesn't look that way when
you consider the federal tax load, which has
been increasing briskly and will snare fully
21 percent of our national income this year.
That, of course, is precisely why the budget
is in surplus. For three decades, we got
more federal programs than we paid for.
Now, we're paying for all of them. But the
method of financing doesn't affect the size
and reach of the government, which from
outward appearances is in retreat.

In fact, that's an illusion. As fiscal
constraints have pressed on policymakers
over the last 20 years, they've had to find
new ways of enlarging their control over the
economy and our lives. Their key discovery
was that they didn't have to write checks
that quarrelsome taxpayers would have to
cover. They could make someone else write
the checks and leave taxpayers out of the
whole deal.

You want to help the disabled? Force
businesses and municipalities to undertake
costly changes to accommodate their needs.
Would higher wages be nice? Pass a law
making it illegal to hire someone for less
than $5.15 an hour. Do more generous
health insurance policies sound good?
Compel employers to furnish them. Family
leave? Proclaim it as a right, and let
someone else foot the bill.

"Unfunded mandates," it turned out, offered
our elected officials all the fun of the Great
Society without the onerous obligation of
persuading taxpayers that it was worth what
it cost them. For all taxpayers know or
care, it costs them nothing.

They should be so lucky. Every regulatory
burden imposed on a business is one that its
customers, employees or shareholders
ultimately end up carrying on their backs.
Prices rise, wages stagnate, or dividends
evaporate--sometimes all three. Money
does not fall out of the sky to supply the
president's every wish.

This "stealth" approach has been so enticing
that it has become the chief method of
legislating new favors from Washington. The
result is that as the budget gets smaller, the
amount of government in our lives gets
bigger.

How big? Thomas Hopkins, dean of the
College of Business at Rochester Institute of
Technology, estimated that complying with
federal regulations consumed $688 billion in
1997. That's nearly half as much as the
entire federal budget and more than all
individual income tax payments. Last year,
the average family paid nearly $7,000 in
invisible regulatory expense.

Though the ultimate expense may be
invisible, it's doubtless higher than it would
be if the federal government were getting
the bill. The incentive to save money that
exists when lawmakers are dividing up their
pitifully scarce allotment of dollars vanishes
when they are playing with someone else's
apparently limitless supply.

In the 1980s, Washington excused itself
from any number of spheres where it had
done more harm than good--deregulating
airlines, trucking, oil prices, broadcasting
and banking. But since then, the itch to
dictate has returned. Clyde Wayne Crews
Jr., of the Competitive Enterprise Institute,
points out that the number of pages in the
Federal Register, which lays out all actual
and proposed new regulations, soared to
68,571 last year--the highest count since
the Carter administration.

Defenders of the regulatory state will reply
that all these new rules have vast benefits.
But a joint study by the American
Enterprise Institute and the Brookings
Institution estimates that "more than half of
the government's regulations would fail a
strict cost-benefit test using the
government's own numbers." In other
words, we're getting Chevys at Mercedes
prices. What counts to politicians, though, is
not the economic and social value of a
regulation but its political payoff, which only
has to be bigger than zero to make the
effort worthwhile.

Bill Clinton is a master magician, with a
knack for distracting his audience and
escaping any trap. But it would be hard to
think of a better trick than presiding over a
funeral for big government while giving it a
new lease on life.