SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Bill Clinton Scandal - SANITY CHECK -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Johnathan C. Doe who wrote (35413)2/24/1999 2:41:00 AM
From: JBL  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 67261
 
New York Times
2/24/99 FELICITY BARRINGER and DAVID FIRESTONE







By FELICITY BARRINGER and DAVID FIRESTONE

he allegation was passed on to reporters for The Los Angeles Times
and The New York Times in the waning days of the 1992
Presidential campaign. Regarding it as the kind of toxic waste
traditionally dumped just before Election Day, both newspapers passed on the
story -- that a nursing-home executive had been sexually assaulted in 1978 by
Bill Clinton, then the Attorney General of Arkansas.

The rumor persisted in the shadowlands of the Internet, even after a sworn
denial by Juanita Broaddrick, the woman involved. Mrs. Broaddrick reversed
herself last spring, during questioning by investigators for the independent
counsel Kenneth W. Starr. Last month, during the impeachment process, she
decided to make the assault charges public in an interview with NBC News.
Then she chafed because the interview was not broadcast.

Now, Mrs. Broaddrick has found a different avenue to tell her story, giving
several news organizations, including The New York Times, an account of an
encounter with Clinton in an Arkansas hotel room. The interviews represent are
the first time she has spoken openly about an allegation first made public last
March. In the interview, she describes a scene in which Clinton invited himself
to her room and then attacked her.

President Clinton's personal lawyer, David A. Kendall, has strenuously denied
the charge. "Any allegation that the president assaulted Mrs. Broaddrick more
than 20 years ago is absolutely false," he said in a statement released Friday.
"Beyond that, we're not going to comment." The White House declined further
comment on Tuesday.

The problems with Mrs. Broaddrick's allegation are obvious. There is no
physical evidence to verify it. No one else was present during the alleged
encounter in Little Rock hotel room nearly 21 years ago. The hotel has since
closed. And Mrs. Broaddrick denied the encounter in an affidavit in January
1998 in the Paula Jones case, in which she was known only as "Jane Doe No.
5." Through all those years, she refused to come forward. When pressed by the
Jones lawyers, she denied the allegation. And now, she has recanted that
denial.

Her allegation has long been fodder for Clinton's legal and political opponents;
lawyers for Ms. Jones earned a stern judicial rebuke last spring when they
made Mrs. Broaddrick's name public in a legal pleading based on
unsubstantiated hearsay accounts.

But despite the problems with the allegation, it became part of the background
noise of the impeachment process in Congress, pushed by conservative House
Republicans even after Starr made only a glancing reference to it in a
supplement to his report.

At least one senior Republican House investigator, pushing hard for the
President's removal, told some undecided Republicans that her story would
probably become public and that they would look bad if they voted against
impeachment, two House Republicans said.

While it appears that the allegation swayed few, if any, votes in the House or
Senate, it hardened opinion against the President among some of the dozen or so Representatives who were led to materials on the case in a secure room in
the Capitol, Republican officials said. In some cases, reading the Broaddrick
files ended the representatives' qualms and made them feel at peace with their
decisions to support impeachment, the officials said.

Representative Christopher Shays, Republican of Connecticut, said he was
shaken by the materials and at one point decided to vote for impeachment but
in the end changed his mind.

"The material I saw was, if true, shocking, disgusting and left a big pit in your
stomach," said Shays, who become one of the few Republicans to vote against
impeachment. "But it did not directly relate to the articles of impeachment,
which is why it didn't see the light of day."

The shadowy, subterranean path the allegation traveled also illustrates the
mechanics of the national media after a year of White House sexual scandal.

Never homogenous, the national press is divided in ever-smaller slivers, with
smaller outlets on the Internet and cable television sometimes overwhelming the
slower and more sober judgments of mainstream news organizations.

Giving Her Side Of a Tangled Story

ow some news outlets report on the investigations of other news
organizations even before they are published.

From her home in Van Buren, Ark., Mrs. Broaddrick said in an interview this
week that she had decided to air her charges in the NBC interview because she
was exasperated by erroneous descriptions of the encounter on the Internet
and on a cable television talk show last December.

She was contemptuous of the national tabloid, The Star, which in December
raised the possibility that she and her husband had been paid to keep silent.

"People were talking about my life and they didn't know what they were talking
about," she said. "It was so hurtful, to think anyone would think we would take
money."

Mrs. Broaddrick, who is now 56 and the prosperous owner of a nursing home
and an extended care facility, gave her account to The New York Times over
the telephone. It is the following: When Clinton came through Van Buren on a
campaign stop in April of 1978, she approached him and discussed nursing
homes.

He told her that if she were ever in Little Rock, they could talk further.

She attended a conference in Little Rock a few weeks later with her friend and
employee Norma Rogers, then the director of nursing at Mrs. Broaddrick's
nursing home. She telephoned Clinton, she said, and agreed to meet him in a
coffee shop. But when he phoned back, he said he wanted to avoid some
reporters and suggested meeting in her room.

Shortly after he arrived, she said, Clinton moved close to her and tried to kiss
her, succeeding only in biting her upper lip, hard. Then, she said, he forced her
down on to the bed and had intercourse with her.

"I was so totally surprised, totally shocked," she said.

Afterward, she said, he got up from the bed, put on his sunglasses, and while
walking to the door, said, "You'd better put some ice on that," referring to her
bruised and bitten lip. Then he left.

Two friends, Susan Lewis and Norma Rogers, said she told them of the
incident at the time. Ms.

Rogers, then the director of the Mrs. Broaddrick's nursing home, said she
entered the room and found Mrs. Broaddrick crying and in "a state of shock."
Her upper lip was puffed out and blue, and appeared to have been hit. "She
told me he forced himself on her, forced her to have intercourse," Mrs. Rogers
said in an interview earlier this week.

Mrs. Broaddrick said she decided not to see a doctor about her lip, because
the swelling was going down.

At the time of the incident, Mrs. Broaddrick said, she was having an affair with
a married man, Dave Broaddrick, who has been her husband for the past 18
years. She told both Broaddrick and Mrs. Rogers not to reveal what she had
told them, because she was convinced no one would believe her. "Even though
I was a respected businesswoman, what was I doing in a hotel room with the
attorney general?" she said. "No, I never even considered coming forward."

A Slow Leak Grows in Strength

rs. Broaddrick had told a few friends her account, but it had not
seemed to leak out until she was approached during the 1992
campaign 1992 by Philip Yoakum, an opponent of Clinton whom
she knew from Arkansas business circles. He insisted that she make her
allegations public. She refused.

Five years later, she said, she was approached by attorneys for Paula Jones, a
former Arkansas state employee whose sexual harassment suit against Clinton
was settled last year. Mrs. Broaddrick rebuffed them. "I just didn't want to
drag my family through this," she said.

On the advice of her attorney, Bill Walters, a Republican state senator, she
agreed to let him call a friend of his, Bruce Lindsey, White House deputy
counsel, she said. After the call, the President's attorney, Robert S. Bennett,
faxed Walters an affidavit another woman had used to deny involvement with
Clinton. She said Walters changed the names and facts and Mrs. Broaddrick
signed it on January 2, 1998. Contacted yesterday, Lindsey and Bennett would
not comment.

The affidavit read, in part, "These allegations are untrue and I had hoped that
they would no longer haunt me, or cause further disruption to my family."

After the Lewinsky matter surfaced, she said she started to get calls from
reporters, but she refused to comment. Then she heard that prosecutors in the
office of the independent counsel Kenneth W. Starr were going to approach
her. She discussed her options with her husband and her son, Kevin Hickey, a
lawyer, and they decided she could not lie to a Federal inquiry.

She recounted most of her story to F.B.I. investigators for

Starr, breaking down when she got to the physical details and going no further.
She made it clear that no one from the White House had ever tried to pressure
her to stay silent.

Around Thanksgiving of last year, Ms. Broaddrick said, she was contacted by
Representative Asa Hutchinson, an Arkansas Republican who was one of the
House impeachment managers. He was interested primarily in what happened
after the attack. She told him that there had never been any overtures of bribery
or intimidation from the White House.

The white-hot partisanship surrounding the impeachment debate ensured that
details of Mrs. Broaddrick's charges ricocheted around Capitol Hill, where
about a dozen Representatives went to examine the detailed account that the
woman then known as "Jane Doe No. 5" gave to House investigators. It also
ricocheted around the World Wide Web.

Several organizations, including The New York Times and The Wall Street
Journal, carried brief news accounts of the congressional interest in the
allegations of Jane Doe No. 5, without any details.

In late January, Lisa Myers, an NBC reporter, arrived in Little Rock with her
producers and camera crew. Soon after the Internet gossip Matt Drudge began
putting out taunting reports on his Web site that NBC was having cold feet
about broadcasting the piece. Fox News reported on the NBC interview and
on at least one occasion the anchor Brit Hume wore a "Free Lisa Myers" lapel
button on the air.

On Jan. 30, the CNN show "Reliable Sources" included a discussion of the
status of the NBC interview. Robert Bartley, the editorial page editor of The
Wall Street Journal, saw the show and decided to send Dorothy Rabinowitz,
one of his columnists, to see if she could interview Mrs. Broaddrick. She wrote
a lengthy article, which was published on The Journal's editorial page, one of
the nation's most conservative and a strident critic of Clinton. The Journal's
Washington bureau chief, Alan Murray, said he first found out about the
Rabinowitz article when it was mentioned on Drudge's web site.

After her piece was published, Ms. Rabinowitz stayed in touch with Mrs.
Broaddrick, and eventually convinced her to repeat her story to The Times.

News Organizations Face a Tough Call

eople inside NBC who spoke on condition of anonymity said there
were long debates about whether to air the piece but that network
executives believed that the interview needed extensive
corroboration. One thing that gave them pause was the fact that the father of a
corroborating witness, Norma Rogers, had been murdered and that Clinton
pardoned the person convicted of the crime.

In an interview, Ms. Rogers said Clinton's pardon decision, in 1980, had
nothing to do with her corroboration of Mrs. Broaddrick's story.

For months Mrs. Broaddrick had been talking to another reporter, Lois
Romano of The Washington Post, on an off-the-record basis. When Ms.
Rabinowitz's piece appeared on Friday, Mrs. Broaddrick agreed to let Ms.
Romano publish her account as well.

Was publishing an easy call? "No," replied Leonard Downie Jr., the executive
editor of The Washington Post. "We talked it out. Even when we saw the
Rabinowitz column, I wasn't certain we'd be publishing the story."

Downie added, "Our aim was to provide the entire story -- a story about
something that she had said, that she had told some journalists and some
investigators and a number of years ago a friend. And the role that the
knowledge of that story had come to play in various investigations and various
media decisions is the whole story as opposed to a specific allegation by one
person 21 years ago with limited corroboration."

The New York Times also hesitated about publishing the account, because it
had not interviewed Mrs. Broaddrick.

"The first thing we did was assign some reporters to learn as much as we could
-- about the story, about how it emerged, about its consequences," said the
managing editor of The Times, Bill Keller.

He added that, "Even then, we talked long and hard about whether to publish
anything. The merits of the allegations are probably unknowable. Legally, it
doesn't seem to go anywhere. Congress isn't going to impeach him again. And
frankly, we've all got a bit of scandal fatigue.

"But these allegations played at least some small role in the impeachment of a
President," Keller said. "And our readers, who have doubtless encountered the
story in other places, are entitled to read our best take on it."

Late yesterday afternoon, NBC News announced that the Broaddrick
interview would be broadcast on "Dateline NBC" tonight.

"We were never holding it," Andrew Lack, the president of NBC's news
division, said of the interview. "We were working our way through a process
that was not completed until today."

Speaking of the drumbeat of coverage of his network's yet-to-be-broadcast
interview, he added, "It seems that these days so many stories are getting far
too much play before their airing." He added, "There seems to be a party line,
like an old telephone party line, involving everything you're doing" in news
gathering.

"There are 50 people on it," he added. "It's all cross talk."



To: Johnathan C. Doe who wrote (35413)2/24/1999 3:13:00 AM
From: JBL  Respond to of 67261
 
PLEASE READ THIS IN DETAIL

AP

WASHINGTON (AP) - If Hillary Rodham Clinton runs for the Senate, she will be campaigning amid the continuing legal saga of Whitewater. Mrs. Clinton's legal work back in Arkansas will be a key issue in the
pending trial of her former law partner, Webster Hubbell.

Mrs. Clinton is referred to 36 times in a fraud indictment against Hubbell, signifying that her name will be brought up repeatedly in her old friend's trial, scheduled to begin June 14. It could get more complicated.

She could be called as a witness, either by Kenneth Starr's prosecutors or Hubbell's defense team.

Starr alleges Hubbell concealed his own and Mrs. Clinton's work during the 1980s on a failed Arkansas land deal, known as Castle Grande, that federal regulators say was riddled with ''insider dealing, fictitious
sales and land flips.'' The Clintons' Whitewater partner, Jim McDougal, tried to sell off pieces of Castle Grande to prop up his collapsing savings and loan.

''It seems that one side or the other's got to call Mrs. Clinton as a witness because if she's inextricably bound up in these affairs, she's got information that one side or the other would want,'' said George
Washington University law professor Mary Cheh.

The first lady's name also could come up in next month's criminal contempt trial of former Whitewater partner Susan McDougal, who is accused of obstructing Starr's probe. The indictment against Mrs.
McDougal details a series of grand jury questions about Mrs. Clinton and Castle Grande that Mrs. McDougal refused to answer.

University of Virginia political scientist Larry Sabato said the Hubbell case is one of many obstacles to Mrs. Clinton's potential run for a New York Senate seat.

''She will be target No. 1 not just for the New York press corps but for, as Mrs. Clinton calls it, 'the vast right-wing conspiracy,''' Sabato said. ''The truth is that over the past six years she has been at least a peripheral figure in many of the Clinton administration scandals.''

Among the controversies involving Mrs. Clinton:

-Her investments. At the urging of Arkansas friend Jim Blair in the late 1970s, she invested $1,000 in the commodities market, collecting a profit of nearly $100,000 in 10 months. Before the commodities profits were disclosed in 1994, the Clintons had released almost all their tax returns for their years in public life. But they hadn't released the returns showing Mrs. Clinton making a killing by trading in cattle futures.

-The White House travel office firings. Her denials of involvement in the dismissals were contradicted by a presidential aide's memo that surfaced in 1996, some 2 1/2 years after the firings. Starr says he is trying to wrap up his investigation of the matter.

-The work Mrs. Clinton and her law firm did for McDougal's failing savings and loan. That work, first revealed in the 1992 presidential campaign, is at the heart of Hubbell's trial.

''The minute she runs, all that stuff is coming back,'' said Democratic political consultant Vic Kamber.

Starr would have to weigh the risks of calling Mrs. Clinton as a witness before a jury in the District of Columbia, where the ratio of Democrats to Republicans is more than 10-1.

Hubbell's lawyers might call her to the stand if Starr doesn't.

''It's a way to bring in a popular witness for the defense and a potential character witness, but once they put Hubbell's character into evidence, he does get opened up and he's got a lot of baggage,'' said St. Johns University law professor John Barrett.

Mrs. Clinton testified by videotape before a grand jury investigating Castle Grande last year. In 1996, she appeared before Starr's grand jury in Washington to discuss the still-unexplained discovery of her billing records, which had vanished after the 1992 presidential campaign.

Investigators knew almost nothing about the roles that Hubbell and Mrs. Clinton played in her Whitewater partner's fraudulent land development until the first lady's long-lost law firm billing records mysteriously turned up inside the residential portion of the White House two years after Starr subpoenaed them.

Confronted with the billing records, Mrs. Clinton said she was unable to recall her legal work in 1985 and 1986.

A part-owner of the Castle Grande development, Hubbell's father-in-law Seth Ward, collected $300,000 from McDougal's S&L. The billing records identify 15 conversations between Mrs. Clinton and Ward, but both say they don't remember them.

The development ended up costing the S&L $3.8 million in unpaid principal and interest, according to federal regulators.

Hubbell, the No. 3 Justice Department official during Clinton's first term, pleaded guilty to tax evasion and mail fraud in 1994 and promised to fully cooperate with Starr. He served a year and a half in prison. Suspicious that Hubbell was withholding information, Starr began investigating him again in 1996, trying to determine whether Hubbell was being paid ''hush'' money to stonewall Starr's probe of the Clintons.

In addition to the Castle Grande case, Hubbell now also faces new tax evasion charges.

Former Clinton political consultant Dick Morris suggests the first lady should postpone running for office until 2004, when ''she will be able to confront doubters and accusers with a clean bill of health.''

For next year, said Morris, ''One can imagine a situation where Hubbell is convicted and questions linger about Hillary.''

Copyright 1999 Associated Press.



To: Johnathan C. Doe who wrote (35413)2/24/1999 3:15:00 AM
From: Dan B.  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 67261
 
In-as-much as a Federal Appeals Court has ruled that these Clinton lies may have materially affected the original Jones Case, you may consider that "lies under oath" IS Perjury in this case. Lying under oath is NOT perjury when the lie isn't relevant to the outcome. Common sense shows most of usIMHO that his lies certainly were relevant to the outcome of the Jones case- in reality to the tune of 850,000 grand- funds that surely never would have been paid without the dress. And there is no such point to debate concerning the obstruction charge. People believe he's guilty.

But beyond that question, you say you know how at least one of these polls was phrased. Do you? Or is this just your presummption. The two references I saw on my Televison screen did NOT phrase it as you say. Perhaps you are correct. Are you? Have you seen it on the net? Post it. Best I could do without digging far was to provide you an excerpt from a post to me from a guy who had argued with me- called me a liar on this issue- then finally he heard it too and apologized to me. He was on YOUR side. It's pretty good corroboration.

My point is that with people believing the crimes are true- there is only so much flesh to hack from Starr and Republicans. Democrats will anger the public if they want to push this issue in the media in the next election IMHO. Unlike the Thomas case, the public believes the President is guilty. Like the Packwood case- the accusing women with their unproven charges are abundant.