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Politics : Bill Clinton Scandal - SANITY CHECK -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: cody andre who wrote (40659)3/29/1999 10:06:00 PM
From: JBL  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 67261
 
Ground-troops: the dilemma of NATO politicians and generals

AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE
3/30/99

LONDON, March 30 (AFP) - NATO leaders, which have firmly ruled out deploying ground troops against the forces of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, may have to eat their words, experts say.

The reluctance to move from the current air campaign to a ground war is essentially political.

From a strictly military point of view, there is no hope of resolving the conflict in Kosovo just by dispatching planes and Tomahawk missiles, defence specialists based in London agree unanimously.

Three scenarios could force the Alliance -- which has neither the mandate nor the wish do so -- to venture onto enemy soil.

The failure of bombardment to knock out the Serb military machine, an intolerable upsurge in the bloody repression of ethnic Albanians -- which the NATO action aimed to end -- or a Serb attack against NATO troops massed in Macedonia or neighbouring Bosnia.

"Although they hate the idea, they may eventually have to do it," said Paul Beaver, an expert with the respected Jane's defence publisher.

"They" refers to the leaders of the 13 NATO countries involved in the air raids who are confronted with a "humanitarian catastrophe" which they could "in fact be exacerbating".

Jonathan Eyal, director of the Royal United Services Institute, agreed.

"Nobody is telling me that we are going to destroy all the pistols from the air, you need people on the ground to follow up the air raids, to capture arms," he said.

"In order to ethnically cleanse you don't need very sophisticated equipment. As we've seen in Racak massacre it's enough to have a pistol," Eyal added.

None of the experts questions the aerial superiority of NATO, even if the sight of Serb peasants dancing over the wing of a downed US Stealth bomber punctured the myth of American invincibility.

But faced with a Yugloslav army of 115,000 men, a ground force will also be required to bring Milosevic to heel, says Andrew Brookes, from the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS).

"NATO has the power to destroy the Yugoslav forces but only if they bring them to battle", he said, recalling that in Iraq in 1991, six weeks of bombardment was followed by a ground invasion of occupied Kuwait.

Some 150,000 to 200,000 soldiers from NATO would be required, according to various diplomatic sources. Probably with the risk of high casualties, unacceptable for a volatile public opinion.

Just 14 deaths -- GIs and pilots -- were required for the Americans to hurriedly withdraw from Somalia, Jonathan Eyal recalled.

The supreme commander of NATO forces in Europe, US General Wesley Clark, himself a Saigon veteran, is unlikely to treat lightly the threat from Arkan -- the notorious Yugoslav warlord -- who has threated to turn Kosovo into "a new Vietnam, in Europe".

NATO has "no plans or intent to introduce our forces into a hostile environment," insisted US Defence Secretary William Cohen last week, four years after NATO troops in Bosnia in 1995 .

The German and French governments also dismissed "the hypothesis of a ground war" And the British Prime Minister Tony Blair, like NATO chief Javier Solana, ruled out dispatching ground troops except to police a settlement.

"Is Europe going to provide the troops to do the job or is it going to sit back and say we expect America to lead on this," Andrew Brookes asked.

"If the European Community means anything then Europe has to provide the bulk of the troops, otherwise the European defence identity is...just hot air," he inveighed.



To: cody andre who wrote (40659)3/30/1999 4:59:00 AM
From: JBL  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 67261
 
Soldiers Rolled Grenades Yelling 'This Is For Blair','This Is For Clinton'

The London Times
March 30, 1999 Sam Kiley

HER face reddened with weeping, her feet raw from the 20-mile forced march across mountains, Shipresa finally broke down when she reached the grim sanctuary of her new home in northern Albania.

Her ordeal sounded like some terrible medieval tale of rape, pillage and brutal tribalism. In reality it happened over the weekend, and at one point she had to dodge Serb soldiers rolling grenades into the refugee crowds yelling: "This is for Clinton" and "This is for Blair".

Shipresa and her family fled with only the clothes on their backs, forced, like tens of thousands of fellow ethnic Albanians from their ancient homeland in Kosovo.

Their nightmare began when her family were denounced as terrorist members of the Kosovo Liberation Army by a neighbour, a Serb who enthusiastically joined in the ghastly ethnic cleansing of their home town and exposed the hiding place where she and 40 family members were concealed.

"The army and police came to the house many times and could not find us. Then our own neighbour showed them where we were hiding. We thought we all would be killed," said Shipresa, a 24-year-old medical student from Peja.

The 15 men in her group, mostly well educated ethnic Albanians, were at first separated from their families. Then, for the Serbs, the fun started.

"They told us they were going to kill all the men. We cried and begged them not to, we fell to our knees, we offered them money. They all just laughed and shoved their guns in our faces," she said through the tears streaming down her face.

The soldiers did not shoot. They just ordered the family to get out of the country and get lost to Albania, she said.

Like many of the other 70,000 Albanians driven from their homes in the biggest humanitarian catastrophe since the end of the Second World War, Shipresa and her family were then forced to walk the 20 miles to the border with Albania, leaving behind centuries of Muslim heritage, their professional lives and in her family's case, their comfortable home.

Their route meant running a gauntlet of Serb checkpoints. At each one, she said, they were threatened, what meagre goods they carried were taken from them. That was the easy part. The real fear was of summary execution, or worse. They told of how they saw young men have their limbs hacked off by laughing and jeering policemen, who then shot them in front of their loved ones at the roadblocks, a brutal reminder of the Hutu extremists in Rwanda.

"People were mad with blood. They seemed clinically insane, psychotic," Shipresa said. The men in her family joined the trek to Albania and were inexplicably spared the initial threats of murder.

But en route, as they tramped alongside tens of thousands of others, they fell victim of a deadly game played by the Serbs with live grenades. Young men, some of whom they knew and had grown up with, yelled: "This is for Clinton" and "This is for Blair", and then rolled grenades into the terrified refugees as they fled on Sunday.

"It was supposed to be the Christian day for religion. But these people were like devils, cold with hatred, sometimes laughing, sometimes yelling insults and throwing stones," she said.

"Three of our men were killed, in three different explosions, as we ran to Albania. As we left our house, they burned it. As it burned, they blew it up, they said that we would never be able to return because there would be nothing to return to," said the devastated young woman, who now owned only what she stood up in, a set of clothes and an anorak.

The scale of the Serb atrocities in Kosovo, which are not possible to verify independently, was given credence by the fact that every refugee in Kukes had a similar story. They told of mass rape, or men being tied up and then immolated in their homes, or random killings, and not a single act of mercy or help from their neighbours.

Shipresa said that in the state-sponsored attempt at the genocide of Kosovo's Albanians, some among the Serb minority - backed by police and paramilitary thugs bussed in from the Serb Republic, where they learnt their skills - had been turned from ordinary civilians into beasts.

"I am now lucky to be alive, I suppose. But what sort of a life can we now expect," she said. Then she turned and ran for a bus which would take her to a temporary home in an unknown village in a country she had never visited.