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Pastimes : Kosovo -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: The Philosopher who wrote (2172)4/6/1999 6:26:00 PM
From: Eddy Blinker  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 17770
 



To: The Philosopher who wrote (2172)4/6/1999 6:27:00 PM
From: nuke44  Read Replies (4) | Respond to of 17770
 
For once I agree with you on something. There is no doubt that Serbia's intensified onslaught against the Kosovars was a premeditated act. There's also no doubt that it was timed to coincide with any NATO actions against Serbia. This premeditation and cold-blooded calculations make Serbia even more liable for the fate of the Kosovars, not less. It also makes their claims that they were acting within their rights as a sovereign state invalid. Any "sovereign" state that would use their supposed sovereign subjects as human cannon fodder to enact some sort of warped revenge against outside intervention has abdicated any legitimate claims it has to sovereignty over those people and by extension to their land and homes.

Your claims that NATO is to blame for Serbian atrocities likewise invalidate any other arguments you have on the subject.



To: The Philosopher who wrote (2172)4/6/1999 6:57:00 PM
From: Paul Merriwether  Respond to of 17770
 
How could Kosovo be partitioned?
Serbia could keep a narrow swath of
land along the province's northern,
eastern and southern edges. That
would allow Belgrade to retain
sovereignty over most important Serb
monasteries, churches, and other
historic sites. Because it is located in
central Kosovo, the famous Field of
the Blackbirds, scene of the mythologized 1389 battle in which Serbian
forces were defeated by invading Turks, would probably remain in ethnic
Albanian hands. But Serbia can't have everything. The whole point of this
intervention would be to drive Serbian forces out of the bulk of Kosovo and
reclaim it for the ethnic Albanians.

The Clinton administration objects to the idea of Kosovar independence,
worrying about a secessionist domino effect that could hit Macedonia,
Turkey, Hungary and other countries. But Serbia's extreme brutality toward
the ethnic Albanians has deprived Belgrade of its legitimate claim to rule
them. Moreover, it is a little late to worry about the precedent of allowing
partition. The former Yugoslav republics of Slovenia, Croatia and
Macedonia have already gone their separate ways, and Bosnia has both
gained independence and been partitioned all but in name. In fact, the
administration could go even further, offering to revise the Dayton accords
to allow the Serbian part of Bosnia to secede--provided that Mr. Milosevic
lets the Kosovars, and if they so choose the Montenegrins, do the same.

This operation would not require 200,000 NATO troops; 100,000 to
125,000 should suffice. That is roughly the number of military personnel that
Serbia deploys. (Likewise, the U.S.-led coalition had rough numerical
equality with Iraqi forces in Desert Storm.) A NATO force of that size
would have superiority over Serbian units now in Kosovo, who now
number 50,000 to 60,000. Serbia might reinforce them if NATO invaded,
but it would probably keep some troops up north as a hedge against a
NATO ground attack on Belgrade. All told, the U.S. would have to send
only 50,000 to 75,000 troops to Kosovo.

This approach may be too muscular for some and too soft for others. But it
stands the best chance of ending the ethnic cleansing and saving Kosovar
Albanian lives, without provoking staunch Serbian resistance on the
battlefield or forcing NATO to keep large numbers of soldiers in an
independent Kosovo for years.

(Excerpted from the WSJ)