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Pastimes : Kosovo -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: James R. Barrett who wrote (3128)4/9/1999 9:42:00 PM
From: George Papadopoulos  Respond to of 17770
 
Notsobright Resign please![my comment]

Twice a week, for the last three years, Arianna Huffington has written a column syndicated in such papers as the Los Angeles Times, New York Post and
Chicago Sun-Times.

Madeleine Albright: The Spiritual Patron Of The Disaster In Kosovo Filed April 1, 1999 If victory has a hundred fathers but defeat is an orphan, it is now time to
trace the lineage of the humanitarian and strategic catastrophe in Serbia to Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.

''She is the spiritual patron of this,'' Michael Dobbs told me. Dobbs, whose book on Albright will be released later this month, attributes her foreign policy thinking to
her memories of the dismemberment of her homeland, Czechoslovakia, by the Nazis. ''My mindset is Munich,'' he quotes her saying. ''Most of my generation's is
Vietnam. I saw what happened when a dictator was allowed to take over a piece of a country and the country went down the tubes.''

Twice during her childhood her family was forced to flee Czechoslovakia, once in 1939 following Hitler's annexation of the country and again in 1948 after the
Communist government stripped her father -- who had been the Czech ambassador in Belgrade -- of his citizenship. ''Her personal history has taken over in
Kosovo,'' a close former associate of Albright told me. ''She has been waiting to get into this fight for a long time.''

The Balkans have always been Albright's special project. ''Sandy Berger handled China,'' said another associate. ''Strobe Talbott handled Russia, Dick Holbrooke
handled Eastern Europe. In fact, one of the reasons for her animosity toward Holbrooke is territorial. He was meddling in her area.''

Ann Blackman, author of ''Seasons of Her Life,'' the first biography of Albright, writes that, as far back as 1993, Albright was asserting in a tough memo to
President Clinton that ''America's stewardship of foreign policy would be measured by its success in the Balkans.'' Even the president commented on her persistence:
''She pushed, and she pushed, and she pushed,'' he said in 1998. ''She was always out there, and that made a big difference to me.''

By all accounts, that same doggedness carried the day with the administration when it decided to bomb Serbia. Albright first threatened Milosevic with bombs more
than a year ago, saying the United States would not ''stand by and watch the Serbian authorities do in Kosovo what they can no longer get away with doing in
Bosnia.'' This was starkly at odds with the role she played in 1994 when she urged the Security Council not to send U.N. reinforcements to Rwanda, even though
more than half a million people were being massacred.

On Kosovo, so determined was she that nothing would get in the way of military action that she asked Congress to cancel its March 11 debate on the subject,
claiming that it could cause divisions within NATO. Everyone in Albright's circle is very conscious of how anxious she has been to have a victory to call her own.
Instead, she now has a calamity to call her own.

''She has never been a strategic thinker,'' Blackman told me. ''She cannot see six moves ahead. She can only see the next move.'' So blinkered was her vision that
all warnings by the CIA about Serbian retaliations were ignored. In fact, when the Italian prime minister asked the president what he would do if Milosevic countered
the bombings by intensifying his attacks on the Kosovo Albanians, Clinton, flummoxed, turned to Sandy Berger. ''We will continue the bombing,'' the National
Security Advisor replied.

This is, of course, the Albright Doctrine -- not only in Kosovo, but in Iraq, where intermittent bombings are still going on while the arms inspection system has
collapsed and Saddam Hussein builds up his nuclear and chemical stockpiles. Undaunted by the failure of unsupported air campaigns, both in Iraq and throughout
modern history, Albright seemed convinced that she could bomb Milosevic into signing her Rambouillet agreement. And now, she seems unwilling to acknowledge
that the accord that NATO went to war to impose has been rendered obsolete by the fact that the Kosovo it intended to protect no longer exists. ''Over 580,000
people have been either internally displaced or forced to flee,'' said Albright's spokesman James Rubin, contradicting his boss' delusional statement on ''Face the
Nation'' last Sunday: ''To say that this has now backfired is just dead wrong.''

This obstinacy is one of Albright's weaknesses that former British Ambassador to the U.N. Sir John Weston addressed in a cable to London when she was
nominated for Secretary of State: ''She is not good at devising a detailed game plan for pursuing broad objectives .... There is a mildly irritating tendency to create a
fixed position and then to look around for others to save her from the detailed consequences of it .... Her reactions to being exposed or brought under pressure from
sudden turns of events are sometimes tetchy, verging on the panicky.'' If Albright is panicking right about now, is she looking to ground troops to save her from the
consequences of admitting defeat?

Two years and two months have passed between the glowing ''A Star Is Born'' headlines that greeted the confirmation of the first woman secretary of State and the
hell on Earth she helped unleash in Kosovo. The lesson Albright should have taken from Munich is that tragedies spring not only from unadulterated evil but also from
honorable intentions coupled with terrible misjudgments.

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To: James R. Barrett who wrote (3128)4/9/1999 9:46:00 PM
From: George Papadopoulos  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 17770
 
The Independent, 4-5-99

Robert Fisk - We have lost this foolish war

Instead of admitting the truth about this conflict, our leaders have consistently lied to us

It has all gone horribly wrong. Indeed, if the initial objectives are recalled, then we have already lost this war. And it is not only the tragedy of Biblical proportions on
the Balkan mountainsides that proves the futility of what we have done. Nato, remember, was supposed to stand by the Rambouillet peace accords, force Slobodan
Milosevic to accept limited autonomy for Kosovo and end the slaughter and "ethnic cleansing" of the Kosovo Albanians. Then Nato troops were to move into
Kosovo in order to protect the Muslim Albanian and Serb populations.

And what has happened?

Rambouillet is in ashes. Serbia is refusing to budge after 13 days and nights of air raids. Those we pledged to protect are being driven from their homes in the greatest
act of depopulation in Europe since 1945. The 12,000 soldiers who were meant to look after the Kosovo Albanians are now doing just that - but in the wrong
country, Macedonia. The Serb civilians of Kosovo, whom they were also meant to protect, are now being bombed by us. The destabilisation of the southern
Balkans, which we went to war to prevent, is now well underway.

And, instead of admitting the truth, our leaders consistently lie.

At first, we were told that the Serb leader would be forced to end his "ethnic cleansing". The opposite has happened and now we are told - by Robin Cook, no less -
that Milosevic will be made to "pay the price", which is not the same thing at all. Nato promised to attack only military targets and, for as long as it thought it could
crack the Serb military, that is what it did. But now it is doing just what the Americans did in Iraq - spreading the war to civilian targets, to bridges and electricity
stations and factories and refineries, under the spurious excuse that these are also of use to the military. Of course they are - just as roads and railway tracks and
water mains are of use to the military. And as we get more desperate, they may well be the next target.

"This was never an operation that was planned for only two or three days," Nato's spokesman James Shea told us on 26 March.

Really? So why were we not told this before we went to war? Why were we not told of the possibility of weeks of air raids and the wholesale abandonment of the
Albanian civilian population of Kosovo if Milosevic did not give in? Why do we only now learn about the prospect of a "long war", perhaps lasting four years? And
why, for God's sake, did no one - not President Clinton, not Nato's Secretary General Solana, nor Robin Cook, nor General Wesley Clark - realise the bombing
must be supported by ground troops?

How on earth did Clark come to believe that the Serbs would give up so easily? Did he mistake the Yugoslav army for the Serb militias of Bosnia? Did he think that
bullies are always cowards and will therefore give in? Did he not realise that only a real threat of ground invasion might force Milosevic to agree to the Rambouillet
accords in time?

Over the past two weeks, we have been told other lies: that it would have been even worse if Nato had not bombed Serbia - and that we knew Milosevic had
planned the total "ethnic cleansing" of the Kosovo Albanian population before we went to war. Clearly, the first statement - from President Clinton himself - is
rubbish.

With Serb paramilitaries butchering their way across Kosovo and poised to drive out every last Albanian, it could not possibly be worse. And if we knew that
Milosevic had planned this, why did Nato not provide fighting ground troops in those precious weeks following the original Rambouillet conference?

In the past few days, our defence analysts have been hard at work to explain the continued war. Not only is it intended to make Milosevic "pay the price" for his
brutality, but any faltering now would damage the credibility of Nato itself. You bet it would. Almost two weeks ago, we thought we had gone to war to save the
Kosovo Albanians. Now it turns out that we are at war to save Nato. And yes, yesterday was Nato's 50th birthday, marked by a blazing oil refinery, an electricity
station burning itself out in northern Belgrade and hundred of thousands of Kosovo Albanians freezing on the mountainsides of Montenegro, Albania and Macedonia.

We should not be surprised. We asked the Kurds and the Shia Muslims of Iraq to rise up against Saddam Hussein in 1991 and, when they did as they were told, we
abandoned them to the torture chambers of Iraq. This time, we asked the Kosovo Albanians to sign the peace accords in Paris and praised the so-called Kosovo
Liberation Army (KLA). Now they are on the run, we can do no more than bomb the Serbs from the air.

There was a telling moment last week when a senior RAF officer stood up at Nato's regular briefing to tell journalists that the KLA "has not been defeated" but was
"regrouping" in order to "take up the armed struggle" once again. What is this nonsense?

That a Nato officer should seek to support the KLA in such a way proved two terrifying things: to the Serbs, that the KLA was a fifth column (and thus worthy only
of execution) and, to us, that Nato now regards this ragtag bunch of ill-disciplined ex-Marxists as its foot-soldiers in Kosovo. The substitute army for the Nato
soldiers who will not be sent into Serbia.

The Nato briefings become ever more sinister. At each one, a new and ever more ghoulish story is produced for journalists - the mass execution of intellectuals one
day, the rape of young women the next, the killing of fathers and sons in front of their families, the setting up of concentration camps. These stories may well turn out
to be true - I suspect the truth may be worse - but the effect is pornography-by-press-conference, with spokesman "Jamie" Shea acting as the East End club
doorman touting the evening's horror story and his RAF colleague playing the role of manager, promising us that the show will go on.

And so it will until every last Kosovo Albanian has been driven from his home, or until MI5 or the CIA engineer the secession of Montenegro or the overthrow of
Milosevic. And all the while, the promises continue: "We shall attack his murderous forces in Kosovo: we shall strike at the nerve centres of his decision-making
machine" (British Armed Forces Minister Doug Henderson). Nato is showing "unflinching resolve" in the battle against the "unbelievably brutal actions of Milosevic's
special police and army" (Air Marshal Sir John Day).

Tony Blair is suggesting that the Serb leader may face a war crimes indictment. Do they think Milosevic will be frightened by all this? After his supporters killed and
raped their way through far more Muslims in Bosnia than they have in Kosovo, we treated him as a peacemaker. He was invited to the Dayton conference, he was
regarded by Washington and by the Foreign Office as "a force for stability in the Balkans" (as Saddam was in Iraq after he invaded Iran). Milosevic was one of "our"
dictators - or at least a man with whom we could do business.

But now he has joined our list of "beasts" - we remember Saddam and Gaddafi although, oddly, Osama bin Laden has dropped off our Satanic radar screens for the
present. We believe Milosevic can be "defanged" or "declawed", or that we can, in the words of the Sun on the first day of the war, "Clobba Slobba".

Alas, history is not like that. Nato thought that within three days of its bombing campaign, it would have 200,000 Serbs on the streets of Belgrade demanding
Milosevic's removal. Instead, tens of thousands of Serbs now gather on those streets for daily pop concerts to demonstrate their hatred of Nato.

There are many words to encompass the events of the last 13 days: brutality, vanity, arrogance. But above all, folly is the word that comes to mind. Maybe we will
find another persecuted population to "protect" next year.

They had better watch out.