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Pastimes : Kosovo -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (4280)4/17/1999 6:44:00 PM
From: goldsnow  Respond to of 17770
 
It is more like Syria-Iran , Greece as opposed Greece-Iran directly



To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (4280)4/17/1999 7:18:00 PM
From: goldsnow  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 17770
 
Interesting read (found by Lorne)

The IMF and the Balkan Crisis (May 5, 1993)

Memo To: Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
From: Jude Wanniski
Re: A Polyconomics Report, Six Years Ago

When the Clinton administration began six years ago, it came onto the
scene during the middle of a chess game in the Balkans that had begun
several years earlier. Perhaps your predecessor, Warren Christopher,
had a grasp of how the game began, but I doubt he took the trouble to
understand the forces that wormed their way into the Balkans that led to
the rot back then... and today. Polyconomics took the trouble to look
back to the origins of the ethnic strife that began in 1987, discovering
the destabilizing influence of the International Monetary Fund as the
primary culprit. Criton Zoakos, then of my staff, wrote the following
letter to our clients on May 5, 1993. It is one of many pieces we've
written over the years on the continuing Balkan crisis. On the theory that
if you don't know why something broke, it becomes difficult to fix and
stay fixed, I send you this copy of our 1993 letter and hope it helps you
realize that where swords will not work in that part of the world,
ploughshares will.

* * * * *

In 1987, the old Yugoslavia, with all its tragic failings, was still a
functioning state. The International Monetary Fund then took over
economic policy, implementing a number of all too familiar shock
therapies: devaluation, a wage freeze, and price decontrol -- designed
on the Harvard/MIT economic textbook principles meant to drive the
wage rate down to a level where it would be internationally competitive.
As the economy contracted from this shock, revenues to the central
government declined, triggering pressure from the IMF to raise taxes to
balance the budget. As always, this led to a further weakening of the
once strong Yugoslav new dinar, which in 1986 was still worth $22.

These centrifugal forces began to tear at the federation, with the richer
provinces of Croatia and Slovenia objecting to being drained of
resources by the poorer provinces. Just as the USSR splintered as the
IMF browbeat the Gorbachev government into a ruble devaluation,
Yugoslavia broke into pieces as ethnic and religious rivalries were
reasserted in an attempt to control the rapidly shrinking pool of
resources. As in Russia today, where the IMF textbook shock therapy
is again being used, the peoples' money capital had been extinguished
and the population left impoverished. On average, the dinar was
devalued by one order of magnitude each year. As in Russia, inflation
was driven by the price of oil being pushed ever higher in a fruitless
attempt to reach world levels. By December 1989, the dinar had fallen
in value by 200 times, to 11 cents from $22. Hyperinflation became
evident in December 1991 as the dinar fell to one-half cent of value by
the following summer, to the present 0.003 cents. Hyper-unemployment
accompanied the hyper-inflation. [In Russia, the ruble has now lost 200
times its value of 1987, roughly where the Yugoslav dinar was in
December 1989, not quite yet at the point of a hyperinflation that would
in all likelihood produce a breakdown of civil authority.]

When the IMF shock therapy hit Yugoslavia, the initial form of social
disorder was not ethnic friction but massive and repeated strikes and
other labor actions. As late as 1988, an enterprising U.S. journalist
deployed in Belgrade had difficulty finding evidence of ethnic passions
and reported: " 'I would be a Serb, a Bosnian, anything - an Uzbekistani
- I'd make my eyes slanted, if I'd have money,' says a Belgrade taxi
driver named Zoran, stretching the skin around his eyes with his fingers
to make his point." Ordinary people turned into ethnic monsters only
after all their options for a normal economic life were destroyed.
"Ethnic cleansing" arrived only after "shock therapy" had done its
work. Finally, on December 14, 1992, when dinar devaluation reached
the IMF's theoretical ideal of infinite percent with the dissolution of the
state that used to issue dinars, civilized life ended and was replaced by a
"natural state of war," as political philosopher John Locke predicted
would invariably happen when organized government disappears from a
people's life.

Now, the same Western intellectuals who cheer IMF shock therapies
propose the further extinction of the last remnants of organized
government in Serbia under the blows of the proposed allied air strikes.
This will produce not less violence but more -- precisely because of the
further extinction of organized power. Once this happens, the United
Nations and others will discover that instead of trying to stop a war of
tanks, artillery batteries, aircraft, and chains of command, they will have
to deal with a war in which crazed populations kill each other with
knives, clubs or their bare hands.

The logic of the proposed air strikes falsely presumes that the crippled
Serbian government in Belgrade has the power to impose its will on
such Bosnian Serb leaders-of-the-moment as Radovan Karadzik and
that, in turn, quixotic figures like Karadzik have the power to impose
their will on the rank-and-file of armed Bosnian Serbs. In fact, Belgrade
and Karadzik command attention from the armed Serbian rank-and-file
only when they serve the logic of the post-civilization "state of war."

Karadzik, as the Bosnian Serbs' putative leader, signed the May 2
Athens accord accepting the Vance-Owens Plan only 48 hours after he
had called it "suicidal for the Serbian nation" during an interview with the
Deutsche Presse Agentur. For most of April, Karadzik had tried to
convince the Bosnian Serb parliament to accept the plan, although
suicidal, by arguing that the alternative, i.e., systematic allied bombing of
neighboring Serbia, would destroy the only still existing organized state
of the Serbian nation.

Following the Athens agreement, battlefield reports from throughout
Bosnia-Herzegovina indicate that Serbian field commanders do not
consider themselves bound by Karadzik's signature. The fighting will
continue not until all sides complete their "ethnic cleansing," but until
organized government is restored. In the meantime, the other shoe will
fall during May 15 and 16, when the Serbian population in Bosnia holds
its referendum on the Vance-Owens Plan -- which is widely expected
to be soundly rejected.

On what grounds should the United Nations ignore the Bosnian Serbs'
referendum? When the Croatian people held their referendum for
independence on May 19, 1991, the world community bowed to their
will and recognized Croatia; when the Slovenians did the same, the
U.N. again complied. Why is the Clinton Administration on the Serbs'
case, pretending that Croats and Bosnians are innocent victims? While
media headlines throughout April were filled with preparations for
military action against Serbs, the greatest atrocities -- according to
reports from the International Red Cross -- were perpetrated by
Bosnian Muslims against Croats.

If the Clinton Administration bombs Serbs and arms Bosnian Muslims
as it proposes, the levels of violence will only escalate. U.N. ground
troops will be confronted with 10 million Serbs settling down to
long-term partisan warfare, Bosnian Muslims reinforced by battalions of
Iranian-armed and financed mujaheddin, and vengeful Catholic Croats.
The entire Balkan peninsula will be one monstrously large Beirut at the
mercy of anarchistic ethnic and religious militias. The Serbs will hate the
U.N.-U.S. peacekeeping force because of the bombings; the Croats
will hate it because it armed the Bosnian Muslims; the Bosnian Muslims
will also hate it because they will be under the sway of Muslim
fundamentalist mujaheddin armed and financed by Iran. Our presence
there will be similar to the U.S. Marines' presence in Beirut in 1982.
Our moral outrage at the atrocities Beirutis were perpetrating against
each other was no less than our outrage at the present Balkan atrocities.
Yet, Ronald Reagan, a proud President under whose watch Soviet
Communism was defeated, saw no choice but to leave when we
brought home more than 200 Marines in body bags.

Sen. Dennis DeConcini [D-NM], chairman of the Senate Intelligence
Committee and an advocate of the use of force in Bosnia, appeared
Monday on CNN's "Crossfire," rejecting the argument of Rep. Robert
Torricelli [D-NJ] that we should not use force unless we know where
that will lead. In a letter to DeConcini yesterday, Jude Wanniski noted:
"Bob Torricelli seems closer to reality in arguing it is a slippery slope.
The last thing we should do is put troops on the ground. Leave it to
some madman to get his hands on a tactical nuclear weapon and we'd
lose as many troops in an afternoon as we did over several years in
Vietnam."

Rather than playing futile military games, we believe the only
constructive route is to undo the destruction wrought by the IMF's
shock therapy. The starting point, we have suggested, is to reverse the
IMF policies that have pointed Russia and the rest of the ruble area
toward economic and political disintegration. With the collapse of
communism in Moscow two years ago, The Wall Street Journal
asserted editorially that the IMF was now the single most destructive
force on earth. The Fund, for the most part controlled by the
international banks through their influence at the U.S. Treasury, is truly
the satanic force that precipitated the crisis in the Balkans. Until it is
somehow neutralized, ethnic cleansing, atrocities and civil war around
the world will continue to lay claim to America's blood and treasure.

Criton Zoakos

[Clients: You have our permission to circulate this report beyond
your institution if you wish. We are having an extremely difficult
time getting our perspective on Bosnia and Russia broadcast
through established media. JW]
polyconomics.com



To: George Papadopoulos who wrote (4280)4/18/1999 8:54:00 PM
From: goldsnow  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 17770
 
"In Istanbul, overjoyed ultra-nationalists took to the streets, waving
the party's three-crescent flag and chanting "Stand Kosovo, we are
coming!"

Ecevit's Party Leads in Turkey Vote

Sunday, 18 April 1999
A N K A R A , T U R K E Y (AP)

PRIME MINISTER Bulent Ecevit's secular party was leading Turkish
elections Sunday while an ultra-rightist group appeared to be making
stunning gains.

According to early results, the Islamic Virtue Party - the largest party
now in parliament - suffered a major decline in votes. Analysts said
that the party's friction with the staunchly secular military may have
led voters to abandon it and chose the ultra-nationalist movement,
which is also deeply religious.

With 35 percent of the vote counted, Ecevit's Democratic Left Party
had 23 percent of the vote. Ecevit, who has a good reputation,
appeared to be picking up votes from people angry over constant
scandals that have plagued previous governments.

"I am happy with this result," Ecevit said. "I think the period of using
religion for political purposes is over."

Virtue was taking only 16 percent of the vote, a sharp decline from
the 21 percent that its predecessor, the Welfare Party, garnered in
1995 to win parliamentary elections and eventually take power
before being pushed out by the military.

The Nationalist Movement Party was taking 17 percent of the vote.
In 1995, the party did not pass the 10 percent mark necessary to gain
seats.

Known as the MHP, the ultra-nationalist party, which will likely be
part of a future coalition, calls for no compromise with Kurdish
activists and appears to have benefited from the mid-February
capture of Kurdish guerrilla leader Abdullah Ocalan.

MHP leader Devlet Bahceli appeared surprised by his party's strong
gains. People "were forced to make a new choice" because of
instability in the government and political corruption, he said.

In Istanbul, overjoyed ultra-nationalists took to the streets, waving
the party's three-crescent flag and chanting "Stand Kosovo, we are
coming!"

The plight of the millions of refugees who have fled the Yugoslav
province of Kosovo is a deeply emotional issue in Turkey. Turks
ruled the Balkans for hundreds of years during the Ottoman Empire,
and millions of Turks have Balkan ancestry.

Turkey has had six governments since 1995. An unstable coalition
government would make it difficult for the country, a NATO
member, to tackle economic reforms and would also undermine its
push to join the European Union.

It also would undermine the country's chance to ease tensions with
Greece and develop the southeast, where Kurdish guerrillas have
battled government forces for more than a decade.

In the southeast, the pro-Kurdish People's Democratic Party, or
HADEP, appeared to be leading in the races for mayor of Diyarbakir
and Siirt, two of the largest cities in the Kurdish areas. The party,
however, was only taking about 3 percent of the vote.

The center-right Motherland Party took 14 percent of the early
ballots while the rival center-right True Path Party of former premier
Tansu Ciller garnered 11 percent.

Virtue Party candidates led in early results for the mayorships of
Istanbul and the capital, Ankara. The party took control of both of
those cities in the 1994 elections.

Results were broadcast on the private NTV television.

In downtown Ankara, Sukru Ozel, a supporter of the Nationalist
Movement, or MHP, was overjoyed with the results so far.

"That's wonderful," Ozel said. "The MHP is the only true
conservative party in Turkey. They worked very hard for this."

The party organized daily rallies in front of the Italian embassy in
November after Rome refused to extradite Ocalan to Turkey. Ocalan
later left Rome and was captured by Turkish commandos in Kenya.

Ilki Solcun, a 48-year-old housewife, said she voted for Ecevit
because "he is the only one I trust to fight the Virtue Party. He is a
real secularist."

All of the major secular parties agree on the need for a pro-Western
foreign policy and economic privatization. The major parties also all
support membership in NATO and participation in NATO air
operations against Yugoslavia.