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Pastimes : Kosovo -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Broken_Clock who wrote (6758)5/4/1999 11:02:00 PM
From: George Papadopoulos  Respond to of 17770
 
keepfaith.com

MAY 4th

Olga
(Phone) It was peaceful tonight, lights in the apartment flickering weakly and occasionally going off. No
more bombing than usual. They all went to bomb someone else. The streets were pitch black and silent. I
slept over 6 hours for the second day, and feel much stronger now. Today, there's still no power and water
in parts of the city, but we have it back in our neighborhood, more or less. We've been told not to turn on
major appliances - they are trying to conserve what we got for the most important things, such as water
pumps and hospitals, repairs, and are afraid of overloading the fragile, maimed network. We just had
enough power to turn on TV for news, but the computer stays off until it's safe to use it (even surge
protectors don't cover acts of war, it's right there in the small print).

It's nice that no one we know was bitter about all the attention showered on the three soldiers. I was relieved when I saw them, in such good
health and with rosy cheeks. The first time they were shown right after the arrest, they were all scuffed and dirty. We heard (but it may be just a
rumor), that one of them started crying when he heard that the Belgrade is getting bombed again, and was sent to a counselor for this unsoldierly
behavior. It's possible. Almost anyone who comes here to talk to our people and see us for what we are, eventually ends up against the NATO
war, even their journalists and soldiers. Their moms must be so happy to have them back after all this worry!
Ivanka
(Phone) In the meantime, more bombs, more people died, more TV stations
bombed. Hitting a second bus right after what they did the last time is so past our
ability to be horrified or indignant, all that's left is exhaustion. This time, there was
no international observers, so NATO didn't even have to admit to the destruction.

I really don't understand if this war is under any kind of control, even a malicious one
anymore. For the third time, the planes came back to bomb the relief workers, and
a few were hurt; no one could get to the bus with ambulances nor to collect dead for
at least two hours- shelling and unexploded cassette bombs prevented it. They say
it's at 20 dead and 40 hurt so far.

Silvia-5/3 NATO bombs another bus full
of women & children in Kosovo. Many dead.
By Studio B, independent station bombed 5/1

CLICK BUT BEWARE-NOT FOR CHILDREN.
Just of children...

May 1st NATO bus massacre.
40 dead. Serbs, Albanians,
mostly children & women.

NATO rejects offer to meet.
According to the briefings, "the objective" is
almost met.

GERMANY'S FOREIGN OFFICE
assesses that there was no genocide in
Kosovo, at least prior to NATO
bombing.
"What was involved in the Yugoslav
violent actions
and excesses since February 1998
was a selective forcible action against
the military underground
movement (especially the KLA) and
people in immediate contact with it in
its areas of operation.
...A state program or persecution aimed
at the whole ethnic group of
Albanians exists neither now nor
earlier."Zdnet
Novi Sad TV station is taken out, a shame. This station used to broadcast its shows in six
languages, for all the varied minorities in Vojvodina. I suspect that NATO is trying to build
hysteria there, to provoke some ethnic conflict in this traditionally peaceful and unified
community. Why else would they cut off all the bridges from Vojvodina? At 400km away from
Kosovo, they certainly didn't do it to stop the military convoys to Kosovo.

Talking about bridges and bombing, we heard from our friend Zivka's family in Kosovo. They drove
by the bus massacre scene, and were completely in shock and shaken. They saw the charred
bodies, wreckage, everything. They said you couldn't recognize some of the bodies as human at
all, and Zivka's daughter works in a hospital and is used to seeing horrible things (if one ever gets
used to that).

The biggest irony is that the bridge they were supposedly attacking was over such a tiny brook,
Zivka's family just drove around the blocked area, and straight over the shallow water to the other
side.

They just can't believe the destruction down there, and are completely stunned by the idea that
NATO is helping Albanians by destroying every shred of what they own, every factory, waterway,
bridge and school in the area.

There's a relief convoy from Russia on the way to Kosovo. They are waiting for the permission
from NATO countries to continue, with 9 trucks of food and supplies. At least they don't
discriminate between the refugees...

Over here, the city is still hanging on. Even after the power went papers did get published, and
bread arrived to the stores with only a small delay. The commander of Civilian Defense Mr.
Dragan Covic said that they are fixing the power outages, and that all will be ok. He is somewhat
of a hero, all blackened from tiredness, but persistent and stubborn like Belgrade itself. Always
first at the disaster scene, helping clean up after NATO's tantrums.



To: Broken_Clock who wrote (6758)5/4/1999 11:06:00 PM
From: George Papadopoulos  Respond to of 17770
 
Stopping genocide, what genocide?????????

IMPORTANT INTERNAL DOCUMENTS
FROM GERMANY'S FOREIGN OFFICE
REGARDING PRE-BOMBARDMENT
GENOCIDE IN KOSOVO

As in the case of the Clinton Administration, the present regime in Germany, specifically Joschka Fischer's Foreign
Office, has justified its intervention in Kosovo by pointing to a "humanitarian catastrophe," "genocide" and "ethnic
cleansing" occurring there, especially in the months immediately preceding the NATO attack. The following internal
documents from Fischer's ministry and from various regional Administrative Courts in Germany spanning the year
before the start of NATO's air attacks, attest that criteria of ethnic cleansing and genocide were not met. The Foreign
Office documents were responses to the courts' needs in deciding the status of Kosovo-Albanian refugees in
Germany. Although one might in these cases suppose a bias in favor of downplaying a humanitarian catastrophe in
order to limit refugees, it nevertheless remains highly significant that the Foreign Office, in contrast to its public
assertion of ethnic cleansing and genocide in justifying NATO intervention, privately continued to deny their existence
as Yugoslav policy in this crucial period. And this continued to be their assessment even in March of this year. Thus
these documents tend to show that stopping genocide was not the reason the German government, and by
implication NATO, intervened in Kosovo, and that genocide (as understood in German and international law) in
Kosovo did not precede NATO bombardment, at least not from early 1998 through March, 1999, but is a product of it.

Excerpts from the these official documents were obtained by IALANA (International Association of Lawyers Against
Nuclear Arms) which sent them to various media. The texts used here were published in the German daily junge welt
on April 24, 1999. (See jungewelt.de as well as the commentary at
jungewelt.de. According to my sources, this is as complete a reproduction of the
documents as exists in the German media at the time of this writing. What follows is my translation of these
published excerpts.

Eric Canepa Brecht Forum, New York April 28, 1999



I: Intelligence report from the Foreign Office January 6, 1999 to the Bavarian Administrative Court, Ansbach:

"At this time, an increasing tendency is observable inside the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia of
refugees returning to their dwellings. ... Regardless of the desolate economic situation in the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (according to official information of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia 700,000 refugees from Croatia, Bosnia and Herzogovina have found lodging since
1991), no cases of chronic malnutrition or insufficient medical treatment among the refugees are
known and significant homelessness has not been observed. ... According to the Foreign Office's
assessment, individual Kosovo-Albanians (and their immediate families) still have limited
possibilities of settling in those parts of Yugoslavia in which their countrymen or friends already live
and who are ready to take them in and support them."

II. Intelligence report from the Foreign Office, January 12, 1999 to the Administrative Court of Trier (Az:
514-516.80/32 426):

"Even in Kosovo an explicit political persecution linked to Albanian ethnicity is not verifiable. The
East of Kosovo is still not involved in armed conflict. Public life in cities like Pristina, Urosevac,
Gnjilan, etc. has, in the entire conflict period, continued on a relatively normal basis." The "actions
of the security forces (were) not directed against the Kosovo-Albanians as an ethnically defined
group, but against the military opponent and its actual or alleged supporters."

III. Report of the Foreign Office March 15, 1999 (Az: 514-516,80/33841) to the Administrative Court, Mainz:

"As laid out in the status report of November 18, 1998, the KLA has resumed its positions after the
partial withdrawal of the (Serbian) security forces in October 1998, so it once again controls broad
areas in the zone of conflict. Before the beginning of spring 1999 there were still clashes between
the KLA and security forces, although these have not until now reached the intensity of the battles of
spring and summer 1998."

IV: Opinion of the Bavarian Administrative Court, October 29, 1998 (Az: 22 BA 94.34252):

"The Foreign Office's status reports of May 6, June 8 and July 13, 1998, given to the plaintiffs in the
summons to a verbal deliberation, do not allow the conclusion that there is group persecution of
ethnic Albanians from Kosovo. Not even regional group persecution, applied to all ethnic Albanians
from a specific part of Kosovo, can be observed with sufficient certainty. The violent actions of the
Yugoslav military and police since February 1998 were aimed at separatist activities and are no
proof of a persecution of the whole Albanian ethnic group in Kosovo or in a part of it. What was
involved in the Yugoslav violent actions and excesses since February 1998 was a selective forcible
action against the military underground movement (especially the KLA) and people in immediate
contact with it in its areas of operation. ...A state program or persecution aimed at the whole ethnic
group of Albanians exists neither now nor earlier."

V. Opinion of the Administrative Court of Baden-Württemberg, February 4, 1999 (Az: A 14 S 22276/98):

"The various reports presented to the senate all agree that the often feared humanitarian
catastrophe threatening the Albanian civil population has been averted. ... This appears to be the
case since the winding down of combat in connection with an agreement made with the Serbian
leadership at the end of 1998 (Status Report of the Foreign Office, November 18, 1998). Since that
time both the security situation and the conditions of life of the Albanian-derived population have
noticeably improved. ... Specifically in the larger cities public life has since returned to relative
normality (cf. on this Foreign Office, January 12, 1999 to the Administrative Court of Trier;
December 28, 1998 to the Upper Administrative Court of Lüneberg and December 23, 1998 to the
Administrative Court at Kassel), even though tensions between the population groups have
meanwhile increased due to individual acts of violence... Single instances of excessive acts of
violence against the civil population, e.g. in Racak, have, in world opinion, been laid at the feet of
the Serbian side and have aroused great indignation. But the number and frequency of such
excesses do not warrant the conclusion that every Albanian living in Kosovo is exposed to extreme
danger to life and limb nor is everyone who returns there threatened with death and severe injury."

VI: Opinion of the Upper Administrative Court at Münster, February 24, 1999 (Az: 14 A 3840/94,A):

"There is no sufficient actual proof of a secret program, or an unspoken consensus on the Serbian
side, to liquidate the Albanian people, to drive it out or otherwise to persecute it in the extreme
manner presently described. ... If Serbian state power carries out its laws and in so doing
necessarily puts pressure on an Albanian ethnic group which turns its back on the state and is for
supporting a boycott, then the objective direction of these measures is not that of a programmatic
persecution of this population group ...Even if the Serbian state were benevolently to accept or
even to intend that a part of the citizenry which sees itself in a hopeless situation or opposes
compulsory measures, should emigrate, this still does not represent a program of persecution
aimed at the whole of the Albanian majority (in Kosovo)."

"If moreover the (Yugoslav) state reacts to separatist strivings with consistent and harsh execution
of its laws and with anti-separatist measures, and if some of those involved decide to go abroad as
a result, this is still not a deliberate policy of the (Yugoslav) state aiming at ostracizing and expelling
the minority; on the contrary it is directed toward keeping this people within the state federation."

"Events since February and March 1998 do not evidence a persecution program based on
Albanian ethnicity. The measures taken by the armed Serbian forces are in the first instance
directed toward combatting the KLA and its supposed adherents and supporters."

VII: Opinion of the Upper Administrative Court at Münster, March 11, 1999 (Az: 13A 3894/94.A):

"Ethnic Albanians in Kosovo have neither been nor are now exposed to regional or countrywide
group persecution in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." (Thesis 1)