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Pastimes : Kosovo -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: goldsnow who wrote (11206)6/6/1999 12:08:00 AM
From: George Papadopoulos  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 17770
 
Injured in Nato raid, Eve-Ann Prentice reports from inside Kosovo

The Times of London

June 1 1999

BALKANS WAR

"The bomb hit. I thought I was dead"

The bomb exploded a few yards in front and to the left of me. That was the moment
I thought I was dead.

I heard a phenomenal noise and thought it was the last thing I would hear on
Earth. I was thrown to the ground, and was amazed when the thick grey-black smoke
cleared to discover that I was still alive.

We were deep in southwest Kosovo near the front line heading for Prizren, not far
from the Albanian and Macedonian borders. There had been two cars with five
journalists and two drivers, one of whom was also the translator. When we had
first reached a road tunnel about four miles from Prizren it was obvious it had
recently been bombed. There was rubble all over the road, which was impassable. We
decided to abandon the car, clamber over the rubble and make our way by foot into
Prizren.

We spent about three hours in Prizren. When we hitched a lift back to the tunnel
we found there were two of them side by side, about 30 yards apart. But both were
impassable.

They seemed to be normal mountain road tunnels. But they were a newly strategic
target because they were the last relatively safe route for the Yugoslav Army to
travel from Pristina and other cities to the border region.

We had just started making our way back across the rubble on foot when the sound
of jets, which had been fairly constant, suddenly screeched far louder. At that
moment we all just knew we were going to be bombed. We had nowhere to run; nowhere
to hide. The remains of the nearest tunnel looked a death trap because of the
danger of it falling in on top of us. The nearby riverbank was far too exposed.
The burnt-out wreckage of a military vehicle was still smouldering in the
undergrowth.

Then the first bomb hit.

We all scattered. Almost immediately came the sound of another jet diving. By this
time, three of us had run into the opening of the nearest tunnel. Most of us were
shouting and screaming - trying to find the safest place to go. There was simply
nowhere.

Then the second bomb hit and that was the moment I thought I was dead. When I
recovered, I crawled to my feet and a Portuguese radio journalist shouted to me to
run towards the second tunnel.

Then came the sound of yet another jet. At the same instant I saw the wreckage of
one of our cars. It was flattened. The last time we had seen it, the
driver/interpreter, Nebojsha Radojevic, had been inside. The Portuguese and I
scrambled into the undergrowth and found a water culvert about six feet in
diameter. We began to crawl in, when the unrelenting whine of another impending
bombardment pierced the air. My colleague wanted to go deep in the culvert. I was
afraid of being buried alive.

We compromised and hid by the entrance. The sound of four explosions was hideously
menacing. It seemed then as if the attack would never stop. We called to the
others in our party but there was no sight or sound if them. We decided to stay
put for at least half an hour after silence finally descended. After about 20
minutes, we heard a car close by.

Seconds later, two enormous Yugoslav Army soldiers popped their heads over the
edge of the culvert, held out their hands and scooped me up. One smiled a big grin
and hugged me like a father. Almost carrying me, they shepherded me to their
vehicle, where all but one of our party was already ensconced. We could not find
Nebojsha.

Nenad Golubovic, the other driver and hero of the hour for his coolness under
fire, set off to investigate while the rest of us were driven to a nearby village.
Serbs and Muslims paraded out of their homes and swarmed over us, proffering sweet
drinks, chairs and life-giving cigarettes.

Then I noticed that this display of hospitality was occurring 2ft away from a road
bridge - one of Nato's key targets. Two of us begged that we should find somewhere
else to congregate. An army doctor then ushered us into two cars and we were
driven several miles up to what appeared to be a sleepy village - but was, in
fact, an army base.

What followed was one of the oddest moments of my life. We were given some of the
most royal treatment I have ever experienced - and that includes tea at the House
of Lords. In this bizarre world, minutes after being almost killed by Nato, we
were being pampered, and calmed and fed by the very people the alliance is trying
to destroy.

Platters of beef, bread and cheese were spread for us. The doctor tended our light
injuries, and dozens of troops spent the entire night calming our nerves. All the
time, Nato jets streaking relentlessly low across the village. It was only then
that there was time to take stock of my injuries. They were miraculously light -
cuts and grazes to my legs, right arm and forehead. About an hour after we arrived
in the village, a soldier who had gone to investigate the damage to the tunnel
returned. He brought the news that Nebojsha was dead. The troops brought his
relatively unmarked corpse back to the village for his best friend Nenad to
prepare him for his eventual burial.

We also discovered that one of our party, a Portuguese television cameraman, had
been separated from us during the last bombing run. He had plunged into the river
and was carried by the mountain current for about a mile and a half - still
clutching his camera. He managed to drag himself to the bank outside a monastery,
but was initially arrested on suspicion of being a downed pilot. His documents
eventually persuaded the authorities of his real identity. Then he had a
terrifying four-hour journey across mountain tracks to reach Pristina and rejoin
us. He came under constant fire from the Kosovo Liberation Army as it tried to
ambush his police escort.

Also slightly wounded in the bombing were a Portuguese television reporter, Elsa
Marujo, and Daniel Schiffer, the French philospher who organised our trip. He had
injured his arm, leg and nose.

Last night we made another terrifying journey along sniper-racked roads said to be
infested by the KLA and where dozens of Serbs have been shot in the past ten days.
We prepared to sleep in the Grand Hotel in Pristina.

Today I try to get out of this land. At least I can attempt to leave. The horror
of the attack has made me realise even more how desperate is the plight of the
people in Kosovo, caught between Nato's screaming devils and the KLA's daunting
deep-blue sea.

[This last bit inserted by the Times' editor]

Nato said that one aircraft had attacked a tunnel near the road where the
journalists were wounded but denied attacking vehicles. A spokesman, said the
alliance admired western journalists who were determined to report from Kosovo,
but it could not guarantee their security.




To: goldsnow who wrote (11206)6/6/1999 12:16:00 AM
From: George Papadopoulos  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 17770
 
Similarities of Hitler and .........Clinton

The Big Lie About Kosovo
Richard Poe
April 14, 1999

"Save the Albanian Kosovars!" Clinton cries. "Save the Sudeten Germans!"
Hitler trumpeted in 1938. The names have changed, but the strategy
remains the same.
For more than 50 years, we Americans have looked down our noses at the
Germans, for having followed Hitler so blindly. But now it's our turn.
We are proving no more resistant to propaganda than those cheering
crowds in Leni Riefenstahl's Triumph of the Will.
Back in the 1930s, Adolf Hitler needed an excuse to seize
Czechoslovakia. So he invented one. Three and a quarter million ethnic
Germans lived in the Sudetenland, under Czech rule. As William L. Shirer
recounts in The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, Hitler secretly funded
an extremist group called the Sudeten German Party and ordered it to
provoke an uprising against the Czechs.
Kosovo, too, appears to have been destabilized by outside forces. For
years, Kosovars protested Milosevic peacefully. But in 1997, a group
called the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) suddenly started shooting. Who
were these people?
The Times of London (March 24, 1999) described the KLA as "a Marxist-led
force funded by dubious sources, including drug money." European police
suspect the KLA of connections to Albanian gangsters. At least two of
the group's backers appear to have been the CIA and the German spy
agency BND, according to intelligence analyst John Whitley, quoted in
the Truth in Media Global Watch Bulletin (April 2, 1999).
The purpose of staging a provocation is to create a backlash. This
strategy certainly worked for Hitler in 1938. As unrest spread in the
Sudetenland, the Czechs cracked down. Czech President Eduard Benes
ordered troops into the region and declared martial law.
Right on cue, the German press went wild. "Women and Children Mowed Down
by Armored Cars," ran a typical Berlin newspaper headline in September
1938. "Poison Gas Attack on Aussig" cried another.
Hitler accused Benes of waging a "war of extermination" against Sudeten
Germans. "The Germans he now drives out!" cried Hitler, in a September
16, 1938 speech. "We see the appalling figures: on one day 10,000
fugitives, on the next 20,000... and today 214,000. Whole stretches of
country were depopulated, villages are burned down, attempts are made to
smoke out the Germans with hand-grenades and gas."
Sound familiar? Hitler's rhetoric bears an eerie resemblance to the CNN
news blitz on Kosovo. Of course, Hitler was exaggerating. Many of the
atrocities he alleged later turned out to be fabrications.
But the same is true of our newscasts on Kosovo.
Take the alleged massacre of 45 Albanian civilians at Racak, for
instance, reported in January 1999. Forensic and other evidence now
suggests that the bodies were those of KLA guerrillas killed in combat.
The hoax has been widely discussed in the European press (including Le
Monde, Die Welt, Le Figaro and the BBC). But U.S. news outlets have
been as silent on the controversy as if they were taking orders from
Goebbels himself.
In the Sudeten crisis, Hitler claimed to be inspired by internationalist
ideals. "Among the fourteen points which President Wilson promised ..."
the Fuhrer proclaimed, "was the fundamental principle of the
self-determination of all peoples ..." By freeing the Sudeten Germans,
Hitler argued, he was fulfilling Wilson's vision.
Clinton too claims he is fighting for human rights. But ethnic cleansing
does not bother Clinton when his friends are the ones doing the
cleansing. He ordered no bombing when the Croatians drove 300,000 Serbs
from Krajina, burning their homes and killing many. Nor did he intervene
when our NATO ally Turkey slaughtered over 35,000 Kurds.
Every schoolchild today knows that Hitler's real goal, in seizing
Czechoslovakia, was to use it as a stepping stone for his planned
invasion of Russia.
But what is Clinton's real interest in Kosovo? Nobody knows.
Many theories have been floated. Some point to the Trepca mines of
northern Kosovo, rich in gold, zinc, silver and lead. The New York Times
called them the "Kosovo war's glittering prize" (July 8, 1998).
Others see a more far-reaching strategy. The Russians claim that NATO,
like Hitler, wants to use the Balkans as a stepping stone for extending
its power eastwardeventually meddling in the affairs of Russia itself.
But this is all speculation. Only time will reveal Clinton's true
intentions, as it ultimately did Hitler's.
In his memoir Inside the Third Reich, Albert Speer recalled the anxious
mood of Berliners, in September 1939, as they digested the news that
England and France had declared war.
"The atmosphere was noticeably depressed," he recalls. "The people were
full of fear about the future. None of the regiments marched off to war
decorated with flowers as they had done at the beginning of the First
World War. The streets remained empty. There was no crowd on
Wilhelmsplatz shouting for Hitler."
A wise man once said that those who fail to study history are condemned
to repeat it. Should Clinton actually succeed in sparking a world war,
Americans will no doubt react with the same shock and fear as Berliners
did in 1939. But we will have only ourselves to blame.

Richard Poe is a freelance journalist and a New York Times-bestselling
author. He writes frequently on historical themes. Poe's latest book,
"Black Spark, White Fire", explores the Afrocentric controversy
concerning ancient Egypt.