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Politics : Right Wing Extremist Thread -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Neocon who wrote (3963)2/3/2001 3:15:12 AM
From: bela_ghoulashi  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 59480
 
Archibald Carey's Speech
Republican National Convention, 1952

We, Negro Americans, sing with all
loyal Americans:
My country 'tis of thee,
Sweet land of liberty,
Of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died,
Land of the Pilgrims' pride
From every mountainside
Let freedom ring!
That's exactly what we mean--
from every mountain side,
let freedom ring.
Not only from the Green Mountains
and White Mountains of Vermont
and New Hampshire;
not only from the Catskills
of New York;
but from the Ozarks
in Arkansas,
from the Stone Mountain
in Georgia,
from the Blue Ridge Mountains
of Virginia
--let it ring not only for the minorities
of the United States, but for the disinherited
of all the earth--may the Republican
Party, under God, from every mountainside,
LET FREEDOM RING!

chem-gharbison.unl.edu



To: Neocon who wrote (3963)2/3/2001 2:16:24 PM
From: Brumar89  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 59480
 
I think plagiarism is no uncommon among ministers. And is not considered a sin. I wouldn't be too excited about it.



To: Neocon who wrote (3963)2/5/2001 7:55:40 AM
From: DMaA  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 59480
 
I know you have a special interest in the Holocaust Museum. What do you think if this from the WSJ this morning?

February 5, 2001

Tikkun Olam

In the Jewish tradition, tikkun olam means "to act, Godlike,
to improve the world." We have that on the authority of Rabbi Irving
Greenberg, Chairman of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council,
which runs the Washington-based museum. More interesting, however, is
the context: a December 11 letter to then-President Clinton, imploring him
to perform "one of the most Godlike actions that anyone ever can do." To
wit, "this letter is written to urge you to give the opportunity for a new life
to Mr. Marc Rich."

Written on museum stationery, it was dispatched between two other
11th-hour Clinton actions on the memorial: designating it a "permanent
authorization" (easing the approval process for taxpayer dollars), and
appointing six new council members -- Maya Angelou, Stuart Eizenstat,
some big Democratic contributors, etc. The Rich pardon followed.

Some readers may recall that we were recently involved in a tussle of our
own with Rabbi Greenberg, after we published an Ira Stoll article that
criticized the rabbi for a recent speech he'd given on the Palestinian-Israeli
violence and placed the speech in the context of the politicization of the
Holocaust Memorial. The museum and Mr. Stoll have crossed swords
before, over the attempted appointment of Claremont Professor John Roth
as director of the memorial's Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies. Mr.
Roth withdrew after Mr. Stoll, then of the Forward, publicized the
professor's ruminations discussing the Reagan election in the context of the
Nazis and connecting Kristallnacht with Israeli treatment of the
Palestinians.

The memorial seems to respond to criticism by throwing tantrums. Back
when the Roth story broke, its executive council passed resolutions
attacking "character assassination" by its critics (passed unanimously) and
reaffirming Mr. Roth's appointment (passed with one dissenter). Similarly,
within Mr. Stoll's Journal story in December, Rabbi Greenberg
characterized the criticisms of his remarks as "McCarthyism." In the Jewish
Week story that followed, the rabbi's defenders reached for the same
metaphor ("Greenberg Attack Called 'Witch Hunt' ").

If this were a privately funded museum, this would be simply an internal
Jewish spat. But with 60% of its funding coming from the government, the
Holocaust Memorial's actions have a tacit federal imprimatur. And it has
been political since birth, dating from its origins as a sop from Jimmy
Carter to American Jews opposed to his sale of F-15s to the Saudis.

Indeed, this government connection is precisely the cause of many of the
Holocaust Memorial's embarrassments, from the invitation extended to
Yasser Arafat to that given to Croatian president Franjo Tudjman at its
opening (said to be at the request of the State Department). And the
memorial continues to be involved in numerous political issues, from calling
for an international court of justice to the screening of a film on the
McCarthy blacklist to seminars on the "genocide" in Guatemala and
concern about the burning of black churches -- all of which seem far from
the original intent to memorialize the victims of Hitler's holocaust.

Now, we would agree that George W. Bush has more important things on
his agenda than the running of the Holocaust Memorial. But clearly
President Clinton, who began his Administration by firing the Republican
who was serving as chairman, and in turn replaced that chairman with
Rabbi Greenberg, took it seriously enough to issue his last-minute
appointees. In an earlier Jewish Week story about the Greenberg-Journal
flap, the paper reported that to "counter" the criticism, "some museum
supporters are quietly urging Clinton to make as many last-minute
appointments to the council as he can -- in part to buy Rabbi Greenberg
some breathing space."

Holocaust Memorial spokesman Arthur Berger refuted this report, saying
that it is "very typical for a President" to appoint people to commissions
and councils just before his term ends. True, Messrs. Reagan and Bush
each appointed board members in January. But from the first Mr. Clinton
has politicized the memorial, and Rabbi Greenberg and the present
management have been parties to those efforts.

A recent visit to the museum reassured us that surprisingly little of this
politicization has yet crept into its permanent exhibits. But this is not a
Jewish issue; the urge toward politicization seems endemic in the industry.
Even the Smithsonian attempted to turn an Enola Gay exhibit on the
anniversary of Hiroshima to indict the U.S. for dropping the bomb. With a
Museum of the American Indian about to open on the Mall and with calls
for a new slavery memorial, it's not difficult to see the possibility of an
endless procession of such works: to the Scottsboro Boys, the victims of
the Triangle Shirt Waist Factory fire -- all concerned less with history than
with scoring contemporary political points.

Given how Mr. Clinton has presented himself as the savior of the
Constitution, the embodiment of African-American suffering and the
champion of women, can it really be any surprise that he would view the
Holocaust as simply one other vehicle to be appropriated for his own
convenience? It strikes us that Rabbi Greenberg and his friends at the
Holocaust Memorial, who have been so quick to denounce as
McCarthyite anyone who dares suggest that politics might have infected
their operations, owe the American taxpayer something more than the
suggestion that the problem with the Rich letter was simply the wrong piece
of stationery. It looks to us to be part of a trend.