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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: jeffreyagray who wrote (178433)9/7/2001 1:56:21 AM
From: American Spirit  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 769667
 
Quit harping the BS GOP party line. Tax cuts mainly to the rich don't do our economy any good right now. The little guy has gotten the shaft again. He gets $300 back then loses public services, gets energy gouged, Social Security and Medicare threatened and might even lose his job. And he gets his air and water more polluted too. That is the Bush agenda. Don't deny it.



To: jeffreyagray who wrote (178433)9/7/2001 6:46:28 AM
From: KLP  Respond to of 769667
 
Just plain ole' Americans could REALLY make an impact by supporting tort reform....!!! Found several articles of interest....

I certainly agree with you in this: A more important issue, if you want to help this country, would be tort reform. Lawyers and lawsuits are tearing this country apart at the seams. Do us all a favor and fight for that.

This first article is from US News and World Report:

U.S. News 11/1/99

google.com

The reign of the tort kings
A handful of trial lawyers are rocking CEOs and politicians

BY MARIANNE LAVELLE AND ANGIE CANNON

Even the mighty six-shooter is no match for trial lawyers this year. In recent weeks, after a small group of powerful attorneys had aimed two dozen cases at the gun industry, the legendary Colt's Manufacturing Co. threw up its hands, cutting back on sales of consumer handguns. About the same time, the stocks of managed health care organizations tumbled as much as 30 percent when some of the same litigators, calling themselves "the Re- pair Team," sued the HMOs. And another legal cadre–again, with many familiar faces–squeezed a $3.75 billion settlement for users of the dangerous diet drugs fen-phen– the largest pay- off ageement ever by a single company. But even that stunning figure fades beside the $246 billion the plaintiffs' bar smoked out of Big Tobacco companies last year.

In recent months, the nation's loose-knit fraternity of trial lawyers–a dozen fabulously successful firms leading a vanguard of thousands–have emerged as an awesome force, shaking the courtroom, the boardroom, and the back room. They now wield political clout unthinkable when Republicans seized control of Congress in 1995, and an aide to Newt Gingrich unabashedly declared the then House speaker's desire "not just to beat the trial lawyers, but to grind them into fine dust." Today, the GOP's proposed limits on product- liability suits is but a distant memory. A sign of just how much things have changed: House Republicans last month voted for a patients' bill of rights that permits new lawsuits against HMOs.

The verdict. Trial lawyers are winning big in court and on Capitol Hill, pumping buckets of cash into campaign coffers and helping sculpt national strategy. Their tactics are as tough, if not tougher, and, collectively, their pockets as deep as those of some of the wealthiest corporate donors. Yet, they view themselves as latter-day Davids righting wrongs committed by Goliaths of business. Tobacco lawsuits, in which the trial lawyers rubbed elbows with state attorneys general, gave the group unprecedented entree into government circles. And their access to politicians has only grown as the tobacco case fees have rolled in. Lawyers representing the first three states that settled–Florida, Mississippi, and Texas–were awarded $8.2 billion in legal fees.

Perhaps the best illustration of their new political muscle is the behind-the-scenes tobacco machinations at the White House this year. President Clinton's advisers wanted to file a civil lawsuit against the tobacco industry to recoup federal Medicare costs, as the states had done. But the Justice Department had qualms. Who you gonna call? Tobaccobusters! The trial lawyers who had represented the states were summoned to the White House for brainstorming sessions to help fashion a strategy to persuade cautious Justice. "It was a first," says plaintiffs' lawyer Richard Scruggs of Pascagoula, Miss., about the confabs. What does it mean? "We are now . . . moving these issues with more substantive political participation, helping our friends with information and ideas," says Washington, D.C., attorney John Coale.

But there's a price. Now that the tobacco settlement dust has cleared and lawyers are raking in their walloping, billion-dollar fees, states are trying to renegotiate with the attorneys for payments in the modest multimillions. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce is leading a move for new laws that would limit states' use of contingency-fee lawyers. Among its proposals: Any lawyer who donated more than $250 to a politician's campaign could not be hired to file a lawsuit. Trial lawyers' swelling influence could also be an issue in the 2000 presidential election; GOP front-runner Gov. George W. Bush, who supports tort reform, has vowed to "stand up and fight the trial bar."

Turning point. The state tobacco litigation, initiated in 1994, marked a turning point. Instead of suing tobacco on behalf of individual smokers, a group of prominent trial lawyers crafted a strategy of suing for tobacco's societal toll on health care costs. And they fronted the money with winnings from other big cases. "Asbestos gave us a war chest for tobacco," says Scruggs, and now tobacco fees will finance "more daunting cases." Scruggs told U.S. News that new HMO cases will reach 100 million enrollees through suits against a half-dozen industry leaders, including Cigna and Pacific Mutual. In mid-October, the trial warriors sued former lead-paint manufacturers for health costs still generated by their banned product. And 28 cities have sued gun manufacturers to recover the public costs of firearms' use on urban streets.

"They have invented a formula where they get megabucks . . . for being a superlegislature and creat- ing policy to their liking without regard to the right of the electorate to make the ultimate decisions about public policy," says Lester Brickman, a legal ethicist at Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law in New York. While some plaintiffs do reap substantial sums from their lawsuits, critics point to recent cases over computer screen size and cell phone service overcharges that netted fat fees for attorneys–but little for their clients. "The attorneys profit handsomely . . . and class members don't get anything," says John Beisner, a Washington, D.C., lawyer lobby- ing for curbs on class-action suits.

Trial lawyers have always sunk a healthy portion of their winnings into the political arena. And those contributions are getting larger. The Associated Press estimates that trial lawyers gave $4.1 million to federal candidates during the first six months of 1999, nearly doubling their donations in the last pre-presidential election year, 1995. A U.S. News analysis shows that nearly one third of that money came from 12 law firms that spearheaded the tobacco litigation.

It turns out that trial lawyers have also ponied up a plump $2 million in "soft" money–unregulated and unlimited contributions designated for party building instead of candidates–since last year for the Democrats' effort to regain control of the House, according to a U.S. News survey. That's at least 10 percent of the party's stash for congressional campaigns. Among the most generous givers: Ronald Motley of Charleston, S.C., and his law partners, who contributed $250,000 to the Democrats in June, which exceeded their total giving in the 1995-1996 season. "With a Democratic Congress, tort reform does not happen," explains Coale.

Fighting back. Frederick Baron, renowned for his Dallas firm's asbestos and environmental contamination cases, says that trial lawyers' stepped-up political activity is a reaction to the lawyer-bashing rhetoric from the GOP-ers now running Congress. "Lawyers felt the need to get more involved and contribute to candidates willing to look out for victims' rights," he says.

Trial lawyers argue their money is a mere trickle compared with the river of contributions by big-business advocates of tort reform. Agribusiness, communications, transportation, energy, and manufacturing industries contributed $6.7 million to the Democrats' congressional soft money in the past two years–nearly four times the trial lawyers' share. "If there's a cynical view that someone is out there buying access and influence, it's not the plaintiffs' lawyers," says Elizabeth Cabraser, a San Francisco trial attorney. "We are always going to be outspent." Indeed, the trial lawyers are not unbeatable in the political world. They lost an important battle this year when Congress voted to limit lawsuits over the Y2K computer bug; a deal that scaled back the legislation's scope garnered President Clinton's signature.

If members of Congress and state legislatures believe that trial lawyers have too much power, the trial lawyers say lawmakers have only themselves to blame. "If you have an industry that is a problem, like tobacco, guns, and HMOs," and Congress fails to change it, says Coale, "then it is ripe for us to step in."

*1998-99 contributions by firm and partners



To: jeffreyagray who wrote (178433)9/7/2001 6:47:39 AM
From: KLP  Respond to of 769667
 
And a second article: Bush’s Trial With The Trial Lawyers

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
calahouston.org

By Morton Kondracke

The 2000 presidential election could be Armageddon on the tort reform issue, with the nation’s trial lawyers spending vast sums to defeat their nemesis, Texas Gov. George W. Bush (R).
Bush pushed a sweeping legal-reform package through the Texas legislature in his first term as governor. He tried to raise taxes on law firms. Bush also fought the award of $3.3 billion to the lawyers who negotiated Texas’ $17 billion settlement with tobacco companies. And he makes it clear that tort reform is a major item on his presidential agenda.

According to one study, trial lawyers gave 78 percent of all contributions to the Texas Democratic Party during the 1998 election cycle, when Bush was up for re-election.




* Tobacco Five refers to Walter Umphrey, John O’Quinn, John Eddie Williams, Wayne Reaud, Harold Nix, their spouses and partners.
** Transfers from National Democratic Sources consist of contributions to the Texas Democratic Party from the DNC (Democratic National Committee), the DLCC (Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee), the DCCC (Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee), and the DSCC (Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee). In the 1998 election cycle, the Tobacco Five and other Texas Plaintiff Lawyers contributed in excess of $1.8 million to national democratic sources.


The study, by the pro-business group Citizens Against Lawsuit Abuse, found that the five main Texas lawyers who negotiated with tobacco companies on the state’s behalf – retained by the former Democratic state attorney general, not Bush – gave the Democratic Party $1.8 million.

Other plaintiffs’ lawyers gave $929,000 and $1.7 million came from trial lawyers through the Democratic National Committee. All other donors gave $1.3 million combined.

Now, as one of the biggest sources of money for Democrats nationally – and worried about legislation Bush might support if he were elected president – trial lawyers can be expected to place huge sums in Democratic coffers in 2000.

And they have money in abundance, thanks to big past judgements against asbestos companies and even bigger settlements with tobacco companies.

According to former Reagan White House official Michael Horowitz, director of the Hudson Institute’s Project for Civil Justice Reform, in three states alone – Florida, Mississippi and Texas – trial lawyers are due to collect $8.2 billion in $500 million annual payouts.

Nationally, Horowitz figures, they could collect at least $20 billion – some of which they could use to build their political power.

Through its PAC, the lawyers’ lead lobbying organization, the American Trial Lawyers Association, gave $2.4 million to federal candidates in 1998, $2.1 million of it to Democrats, about the same as tobacco company PACs gave to Republicans.

All law firm PACs gave $7 million, of which 62 percent went to Democrats. But that understates the lawyers’ giving because many contribute as individuals.

For instance, Baltimore Orioles owner Peter Angelos, who made his money trying asbestos cases, gave $305,000 to various Democratic Party entities in 1998, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

A study by a business-financed group, the American Tort Reform Association, showed that between January 1990 and June 1994, plaintiffs lawyers contributed $17.3 million to state candidates in California, Texas and Alabama, dwarfing the sums the Democratic and Republican national committees gave to federal candidates – and also the amounts given by labor and auto companies.




Tobacco Five refers to Walter Umphrey, John O’Quinn, John Eddie Williams, Wayne Reaud, Harold Nix, their spouses and partners.


“Trial lawyers dominate the Democratic Party,” Horowitz says. “They are in the process of neutralizing the Republican Party, and in some states they will be able to completely control the elected judiciary and be able to pick and choose the places they want to sue and blackmail industries into settlement.”

Horowitz claims that, after collecting exorbitant fees from tobacco companies – which will only slightly lower Big Tobacco profits, but permanently immunize them from lawsuits and send their stocks soaring – the trial bar is moving on to guns and eventually will start suing fast-food companies for the health damage caused by fatty foods.

Regardless of the long term, there’s no question that trial lawyers have it in for Bush. Tort reform was one of the four items on his election platform when he ran for governor in 1994, and it’s back in his campaign for president.

In his debut speeches in Iowa and New Hampshire last week, Bush referred to tort reform as a policy he’d pursue – along with lower taxes and free trade – to keep prosperity going.

In conversation, he makes it clear that he regards trial lawyers as a group as part of his opposition. He dismissed the critical findings of one Texas anti-poverty research group, for instance, by saying, “Don’t listen to them; they get all their money from the trial lawyers.”

In 1995, the Texas legislature passed a series of reforms, which Bush aides say he’d try to duplicate at the federal level – including limits on defendants’ liability to their proportion of responsibility, venue-shopping, punitive damages and frivolous lawsuits.

Significantly, the Texas reforms also included campaign finance reform. Contributions to candidates for the Texas Supreme Court were capped at $5,000 and lesser limits were imposed for lower court candidates.

Bush and other Republicans don’t advocate limits for other offices, but with pro-Democrat trial lawyers coming in for multibillion-dollar paydays, the GOP might want to think about it.

Tort reform – including product liability legislation, medical malpractice and auto insurance reform – tends to occupy the back burner in Washington because it routinely gets blocked by Democrats and some Republicans friendly to the trial lawyers.

But the prospects are that it won’t be back burner as a 2000 campaign issue. It will be huge.

Morton Kondracke is executive editor of Roll Call, the newspaper of Capitol Hill.



To: jeffreyagray who wrote (178433)9/7/2001 6:49:47 AM
From: KLP  Respond to of 769667
 
And a few interesting sites, including Association for Tort Reform....

atrafoundation.org

atra.org

house.gov

centralohio.thesource.net