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To: TI2, TechInvestorToo who wrote (52914)9/23/2001 2:53:47 PM
From: James Calladine  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 70976
 
VIEW OF AMERICA FROM OUTSIDE AMERICA:

<<<Islam and the West are inadequate banners

The United States may too often have failed to look outside but it is
depressing how little time is spent trying to understand America

Edward Said
Observer (London, England)

Sunday September 16, 2001

Spectacular horror of the sort that struck New York (and to a lesser degree
Washington) has ushered in a new world of unseen, unknown assailants,
Terror missions without political message, senseless destruction.

For the residents of this wounded city, the consternation, fear, and
sustained sense of outrage and shock will certainly continue for a long
time, as will the genuine sorrow and affliction that so much carnage has so
cruelly imposed on so many.

New Yorkers have been fortunate that Mayor Rudy Giuliani, a normally
rebarbative and unpleasantly combative, even retrograde figure, has rapidly
attained Churchillian status. Calmly, unsentimentally, and with extraordinary
compassion, he has marshalled the city's heroic police, fire and emergency
services to admirable effect and, alas, with huge loss of life. Giuliani's
was the first voice of caution against panic and jingoistic attacks on the
city's large Arab and Muslim communities, the first to express the
commonsense of anguish, the first to press everyone to try to resume life
after the shattering blows.

Would that that were all. The national television reporting has of course
brought the horror of those dreadful winged juggernauts into every
household, unremittingly, insistently, not always edifyingly. Most commentary has
stressed, indeed magnified, the expected and the predictable in what most
Americans feel: terrible loss, anger, outrage, a sense of violated
vulnerability, a desire for vengeance and un-restrained retribution. Beyond
formulaic expressions of grief and patriotism, every politician and
accredited pundit or expert has dutifully repeated how we shall not be
defeated, not be deterred, not stop until terrorism is exterminated. This
is a war against terrorism, everyone says, but where, on what fronts, for what
concrete ends? No answers are provided, except the vague suggestion that
the Middle East and Islam are what 'we' are up against, and that terrorism must
be destroyed.

What is most depressing, however, is how little time is spent trying to
understand America's role in the world, and its direct involvement in the
complex reality beyond the two coasts that have for so long kept the rest
of the world extremely distant and virtually out of the average American's
mind. You'd think that 'America' was a sleeping giant rather than a superpower
almost constantly at war, or in some sort of conflict, all over the Islamic
domains. Osama bin Laden's name and face have become so numbingly familiar
to Americans as in effect to obliterate any history he and his shadowy
followers might have had before they became stock symbols of everything
loathsome and hateful to the collective imagination. Inevitably, then,
collective passions are being funnelled into a drive for war that uncannily
resembles Captain Ahab in pursuit of Moby Dick, rather than what is going
on, an imperial power injured at home for the first time, pursuing its
interests systematically in what has become a suddenly reconfigured geography of
conflict, without clear borders, or visible actors. Manichaean symbols and
apocalyptic scenarios are bandied about with future consequences and
rhetorical restraint thrown to the winds.

Rational understanding of the situation is what is needed now, not more
drum-beating. George Bush and his team clearly want the latter, not the
former. Yet to most people in the Islamic and Arab worlds the official US
is synonymous with arrogant power, known for its sanctimoniously munificent
support not only of Israel but of numerous repressive Arab regimes, and its
inattentiveness even to the possibility of dialogue with secular movements
and people who have real grievances. Anti-Americanism in this context is
not based on a hatred of modernity or technology-envy: it is based on a
narrative of concrete interventions, specific depredations and, in the cases of the
Iraqi people's suffering under US-imposed sanctions and US support for the
34-year-old Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories. Israel is now
cynically exploiting the American catastrophe by intensifying its military
occupation and oppression of the Palestinians. Political rhetoric in the US
has overridden these things by flinging about words like 'terrorism' and
'freedom' whereas, of course, such large abstractions have mostly hidden
sordid material interests, the influence of the oil, defence and Zionist
lobbies now consolidating their hold on the entire Middle East, and an
age-old religious hostility to (and ignorance of) 'Islam' that takes new
forms every day.

Intellectual responsibility, however, requires a still more critical sense
Of the actuality. There has been terror of course, and nearly every struggling
modern movement at some stage has relied on terror. This was as true of
Mandela's ANC as it was of all the others, Zionism included. And yet
Bombing defenceless civilians with F-16s and helicopter gunships has the same
structure and effect as more conventional nationalist terror.

What is bad about all terror is when it is attached to religious and
political abstractions and reductive myths that keep veering away from
history and sense. This is where the secular consciousness has to try to
make itself felt, whether in the US or in the Middle East. No cause, no God, no
abstract idea can justify the mass slaughter of innocents, most
particularly when only a small group of people are in charge of such actions and feel
themselves to represent the cause without having a real mandate to do so.

Besides, much as it has been quarrelled over by Muslims, there isn't a
Single Islam: there are Islams, just as there are Americas. This diversity is true
of all traditions, religions or nations even though some of their adherents
have futiley tried to draw boundaries around themselves and pin their
creeds down neatly. Yet history is far more complex and contradictory than to be
represented by demagogues who are much less representative than either
their followers or opponents claim. The trouble with religious or moral
fundamentalists is that today their primitive ideas of revolution and
resistance, including a willingness to kill and be killed, seem all too
easily attached to technological sophistication and what appear to be
gratifying acts of horrifying retaliation. The New York and Washington
suicide bombers seem to have been middle-class, educated men, not poor
refugees. Instead of getting a wise leadership that stresses education,
mass mobilisation and patient organisation in the service of a cause, the poor
and the desperate are often conned into the magical thinking and quick bloody
solutions that such appalling models pro vide, wrapped in lying religious
claptrap.

On the other hand, immense military and economic power are no guarantee of
wisdom or moral vision. Sceptical and humane voices have been largely
unheard in the present crisis, as 'America' girds itself for a long war to be
fought somewhere out there, along with allies who have been pressed into service
on very uncertain grounds and for imprecise ends. We need to step back from
the imaginary thresholds that separate people from each other and re-examine
the labels, reconsider the limited resources available, decide to share our
fates with each other as cultures mostly have done, despite the bellicose cries
and creeds.

'Islam' and 'the West' are simply inadequate as banners to follow blindly.
Some will run behind them, but for future generations to condemn themselves
to prolonged war and suffering without so much as a critical pause, without
looking at interdependent histories of injustice and oppression, without
trying for common emancipation and mutual enlightenment seems far more
wilful than necessary. Demonisation of the Other is not a sufficient basis for any
kind of decent politics, certainly not now when the roots of terror in
injustice can be addressed, and the terrorists isolated, deterred or put
out of business. It takes patience and education, but is more worth the
investment than still greater levels of large-scale violence and suffering. >>>

Namaste!

Jim



To: TI2, TechInvestorToo who wrote (52914)9/23/2001 3:02:55 PM
From: robert b furman  Respond to of 70976
 
Hi TI2,

The parallels to Oct 1998 are amazingly widespread.I think we've seen the lows on last friday's open,with a retest and marginal violation of the lows in some stocks and firmness in others occurring over the next 30 days(we need to rotate thru all sectors).

The S&P looks the best here,with the Dow possibly getting hit some more(as it rallied the best or held the most and the Naz has already been pummeled the worst so I think it goes sideways. After a while even bad news has no more effect - I hope !! gulp

Bob