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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: greenspirit who wrote (13223)12/8/2001 2:51:41 PM
From: Elmer Flugum  Respond to of 281500
 
Rooting Out Terrorists Just Became Harder

by James Ornstein

nytimes.com

"The debate about President Bush's order allowing suspected terrorists to be tried by military courts has focused on questions of constitutionality. There is an additional, practical concern: The order may actually make it harder to prevent and punish terrorism.

Law enforcement is increasingly a global effort, and nowhere more so than in the fight against terrorism. Federal agents routinely exchange information with foreign police and seek to bring criminals arrested abroad to the United States for trial. But that cooperation is imperiled when foreign governments don't trust us to respect the basic rights of the people we ask them to send us. Just two weeks ago, Spain said it would not extradite eight suspected terrorists without assurances that their cases would be kept in civilian court. Thus, even without a single military trial, the order is already undermining our ability to bring terrorists to justice.

The order can also harm our ability to participate in foreign investigations of terrorism against Americans abroad, like the bombing of the Khobar Towers or the attack on the destroyer Cole. In such cases, the Federal Bureau of Investigation tries to become as involved as possible, lest a suspect be executed by the host government before our agents can question him or follow up on leads to other terrorists. But our requests will be less persuasive when we claim the right to subject foreign nationals to secret military trials and even execute them without judicial review.

Actually using military tribunals could also reduce our ability to uncover and prosecute terrorist cells operating in this country. The president's order could apply to a green-card holder who has lived in America for decades and is suspected of only tenuous ties to terrorism, but not to an American citizen who actually carries out a deadly plot for Al Qaeda — like Wadih el-Hage, who was recently convicted (in a civilian court) for bombing the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. This discrepancy causes at least two problems.

First, it threatens a basic tactic in fighting complex criminal organizations: prosecuting a low-level member to help develop more evidence for another case against someone higher in the organization's chain of command. Indeed, much of what law enforcement now knows about Al Qaeda was developed as a result of civilian trials and investigations. But if one suspected terrorist is tried by a military tribunal without the usual constitutional safeguards, important evidence uncovered in that trial could be suppressed on constitutional grounds in later civilian trials, thus hampering our ability to prosecute the full range of people engaged in terrorism.

Second, prosecutors have greater success when they put as many defendants on trial at the same time as possible. For two decades they have used the federal racketeering law — which was recently amended to apply in terrorism cases — to do just that. This tactic allows the prosecution to paint a fuller picture of the organization for the jury, and it helps secure convictions, especially against lower-level members who might fare better if tried alone. Since President Bush has said the order will be used sparingly, some terrorism defendants tried in civilian court could have a better chance of being acquitted because their co-conspirators are not in the courtroom with them. There is no need to take such chances.

The president argues that military tribunals will protect civilian jurors against reprisals from terrorists, but federal agents have fully protected judges, jurors and witnesses in many trials posing similar risks. Classified information is already protected from disclosure in civilian trials by the Classified Information Procedures Act. And the administration is unconvincing when it argues that evidence seized in a "war zone" would be difficult to authenticate for use in civilian courts. Federal civilian courts have a low standard for authentication — it boils down to asking, "Is it more likely than not that this evidence is what you say it is?" It's almost inconceivable that a military tribunal could allow evidence to be admitted more easily and still claim to be fair.

Our government has decades of experience and success in using civilian courts to combat organized crime, and it has successfully applied that experience to fighting terrorism. Abandoning that system for military tribunals needlessly blunts some of our society's most effective weapons in that fight.
"

James Orenstein is a former federal prosecutor and was associate deputy attorney general from 1999 to 2001.



To: greenspirit who wrote (13223)12/8/2001 6:07:42 PM
From: Nadine Carroll  Read Replies (4) | Respond to of 281500
 
Good editorial from the Washington Post on the FBI's sweep of potential terrorists.

I'm deeply conflicted about the anti-terrorism measures. IMO, anybody who dismisses the need for special measures has not taken the threat seriously. On the other hand, anyone who trusts the judgement of the FBI and John Ashcroft in taking these measures has not examined their track records seriously, either. So I guess that makes me in favor the measures, but I still want Senator Leahy to stay on Ashcroft's case every step of the way.
________________________________________________________

A Foreigner in Solitary in America
By Gershom Gorenberg
Saturday, December 8, 2001; Page A25

JERUSALEM -- On Sept. 12, Israela Marmari got a phone call from America at her home outside Tel Aviv. It was 11:30 at night; at the other end was an FBI agent who began asking questions about her son. Omer, 21, had arrived in the United States not long before, one of the countless young Israelis who travel abroad to relax after the strain of three years of army service. On the day of the Twin Towers attack, he and four other Israelis working illegally for a New York moving company were arrested -- as suspected terrorists. The FBI man pronounced his name as the Arabic "Omar," and repeatedly asked her to spell it. Her explanations that "Omer" is a Hebrew name -- and her reminders that her son is blond and blue-eyed -- apparently didn't register. At 6 the next morning, another FBI agent was on the phone, asking the same questions.

Omer Marmari spent 70 days in jail, 45 in solitary confinement. According to an Amnesty International memorandum to the U.S. attorney general, he and his four compatriots were held incommunicado for their first week or so. Israela Marmari says her son was kept in leg irons, and was sometimes punished when he sang in his cell in an effort to stay sane. For a month, the five were interrogated as suspected terrorists. After that, Marmari says, they were questioned about supposed connections to Israeli intelligence. The young men themselves, now back in Israel, won't talk to the press; they can't bear to relive their experiences.

As an American living in Israel for many years, I find it particularly difficult to listen to the stories that the detainees' mothers tell, their voices hovering between tears and fury. What disturbs me is what the affair says about my native country after Sept. 11 -- its ability to contend with the threats it faces, and its ability to maintain its freedoms despite those threats.

The first concern is practical. The people who investigated Omer Marmari and his four friends are responsible for tracking down Islamic extremists who attacked America. They are supposed to protect the country from future attacks. Apparently, they are so ignorant of the Middle East that they do not know the difference between Hebrew and Arabic. They did not grasp that young men who tried to fast on Yom Kippur, the Jewish Day of Atonement, were probably not Muslim fanatics. Even when provided information on the detainees from Israeli authorities -- allies of America with considerable experience in fighting Islamic terror -- the investigators didn't grasp that they were wasting their time on the wrong men. Frankly, I think this should keep John Ashcroft from sleeping at night.

Now consider President Bush's executive order, under which non-citizens accused of terror acts may be tried before military tribunals -- courts free of the standard rules of evidence, able to convict and sentence by two-thirds vote, their decisions not subject to judicial review. Presumably the decision on who should be tried before such tribunals will be based on evaluations from counterterror officials. Given the powers of the tribunals, that decision is half a conviction in itself. If the people making the evaluations have a hard time telling Hebrew from Arabic, can we trust them to distinguish an innocent Pakistani student who fasts on Ramadan from an Islamic fanatic?

The president, and those who defend his decision on the tribunals, seem to forget that the point of America's constitutional guarantees of civil rights is not to make life easy for criminals. It is to ensure that innocent people are not abused, imprisoned, even executed. When fear is rampant, when knowledge is scarce, those rights are more essential, not less.

When America compromises on civil rights, moreover, it's not just a domestic issue. The United States presents itself in the world arena as defending those rights. The State Department issues reports of other countries' actions in that realm. "I respected America as the guardian of human rights," says Katie Shmuel, mother of Yaron Shmuel, another of the Israelis who was held in the United States. Now, she says, she sees it as "a Third World country, like Syria."

The damage is much deeper than a mother's disappointment. Once the United States shows it is willing to sacrifice human rights to fight terror, it loses its ability to criticize others. America is afraid of Osama bin Laden? Israel is afraid of Palestinian terrorists; Turkey fears Kurdish terrorists. Until now, advocates of human rights around the globe could look to America to show that fear is no excuse. It would be a tragedy for America to abdicate that role.

Gershom Gorenberg is the author of "The End of Days: Fundamentalism and the Struggle for the Temple Mount."

washingtonpost.com