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To: Mephisto who wrote (3684)4/17/2002 1:28:23 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Under the Bushes: On the domestic front, the future is looking bleak
Jesse Jackson
Tribune Media Services
04.16.02

The conflict in the Middle East and the chaos in
Afghanistan fill our TV screens. But beneath the
media gaze, a renewed debate about America's
direction is starting up. While Americans continue
to rally to George W. Bush in the wake of Sept. 11,
his administration has imposed policies of such
insult and injury at home that the opposition is
finally finding its voice and its backbone.


This week in Washington, the Campaign for
America's Future sponsored a major gathering of
citizen leaders and activists -- and laid out a direct
indictment of the administration's policies at home.
They brought together leaders from civil rights,
labor, women's, environmental and citizen action
groups, along with the "democratic wing of the
Democratic Party" -- Sen. Paul Wellstone, Rep. Jan
Schakowsky, Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, House whip
Nancy Pelosi and others.

Their case was clear. In its domestic policies, this
administration is out of step with the concerns and
the needs of the vast majority of Americans. It is
dismantling protections vital to working people
while draining away the public resources that we
need for the challenges we face.

The evidence on this is irrefutable -- if basically
invisible. The Bush administration is systematically
weakening the laws and regulation on clean air,
clean water, toxic waste, workplace safety, civil
rights and equal protection. The scope of its effort
is remarkable, given its few short months in office.


The administration has consistently appointed
people to head offices whose purposes they have
either opposed or lobbied against. Gale Norton, who
made her career working against preserving public
parks and forests, becomes Secretary of the
Interior. Harvey Pitt, lobbyist for the big five
accounting firms, becomes head of the SEC, now in
charge of regulating those firms. Gerald A.
Reynolds, who scorns civil rights and disabilities
laws, is put in charge of the Civil Rights Office of
the Department of Education in a recess
appointment that avoids the need for Senate
confirmation. The list is endless.


And the result is a quiet rollback of protections for
civil rights, women's rights, the disabled and the
environment. The Clean Air Act is weakened. The
citizen's right to know about corporate pollution is
cut back. Bush moves toxic waste cleanup from
"polluters pay" to `"people pay," letting the
companies that poison the land off the hook for
cleaning it up. Workplace safety regulations are
revoked, even on the crippling repetitive-motion
injuries. In the Bush administration, worker safety is
a matter of employer whim, not legal mandate.


And at the same time, the administration is draining
the resources we need to deal with the challenges
we face. The first Bush tax cut gave over one-third
of its benefits to the wealthiest 1 percent of
Americans -- that was outrageous enough.
But he
promised that it would come from "money left
over," after we saved Social Security and
Medicare, paid for a real prescription drug benefit,
invested in education and paid down the debt.

Now, one year later, recession, war and the tax
cuts have erased all that. There is no money left
over. The first Bush budget is a deficit budget. The
debt is going up, not down. The payments workers
make to Social Security and Medicare are going to
pay for those tax cuts to the very rich. The
president's budget has no new investment in
education, no real prescription drug benefit -- and
projects $300 billion in cuts in Medicare.

Yet he calls for another $600 billion in tax cuts over
10 years, even more skewed to the very wealthy.
This is the first war in history where the rich have
been asked to do less rather than called on to do
more to support the country.

The result is apparent. In the midst of the largest
increase in school-age children since the baby
boom, with schools already overcrowded, there is
no money for building schools. There is no money
for universal preschool or after-school care. And no
money to help parents afford to send their children
to college, even as tuitions continue to skyrocket.

At the Campaign for America's Future conference,
the speakers vowed to take this case to the
American people. But that's the rub. Here was a
conference of organization leaders in Washington,
but the information vacuum isn't inside the
Beltway, it's out across the country. If there is
going to be a new politics in this country, it won't
start in Washington, it will start by bringing
together ministers, community leaders, local
organizers and activists. We can't create a counter
agenda at the top and have it trickle down to the
bottom. That's the mirror image of the corporate
trickle-down economics. We have to go to where
people live and pray, hear their needs, let them set
the priorities.

But if we do that, the conference surely gets it
right. If they understood what was coming down,
the vast majority of Americans -- whether white,
black or brown, conservative or liberal, Democrat or
Republican -- would oppose this president's assault
on the protections and resources we need to meet
the challenges we face. He's been able to operate
under the cover of Afghanistan and the Middle
East. But if his policies are exposed to the light,
people are likely to want to get out of the Bushes.

workingforchange.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3684)4/19/2002 1:40:41 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Wealth Versus Health
The New York Times

April 19, 2002

By PAUL KRUGMAN

The Bush administration really, really dislikes
sharing information with Congress. Dick
Cheney
refuses to release the records of his energy
task force; Tom Ridge won't testify on homeland
security; and last week Thomas Scully defied a
subpoena from the Small Business Committee.


Who? What? If you are an American over 65, or are
considering becoming one, you should pay more
attention. Mr. Scully, you see, is the director of
Medicare and Medicaid.
The specific issue on which
he refused to testify - payments to providers of
portable X-ray machines - sounds arcane. But the
real story here is the collision between tax-cut
myths and fiscal reality, with Medicare caught in
the middle.

The background is the recent surge in health care
expenses. During the 1990's the rise of H.M.O.'s put a squeeze on medical bills;
now there is nothing left to squeeze. So H.M.O.'s are sharply increasing their
payments to health-care providers, and the federal programs overseen by Mr.
Scully are under pressure to follow suit. Since these programs cost more than
national defense, we're talking about a lot of money here.


Still, if medical care is a priority, which it surely is for the voters, why doesn't the
government simply provide the necessary resources? You already know the answer:
it's hard to reconcile realistic spending increases with plans for more tax cuts.

Last year the administration claimed that it could easily
cut taxes without tapping the Social Security surplus.
Those claims were false, but Sept. 11 provided cover: who
cares about lockboxes when we're in pursuit of evildoers?

True, skeptics have raised a few questions. Given that we
face a major new demand on the budget, shouldn't we
reconsider a tax cut proposed in more peaceful times?
(Instead, the administration wants to make the tax cut
permanent.) Don't taxes normally go up in wartime, as a
matter of shared sacrifice? And isn't it a little strange,
given all the martial rhetoric, that the administration's
recent 10-year budget proposal allocated more money to a
second round of tax cuts ($665 billion) than it did to new
defense spending ($625 billion)?


But as the cartoonist Tom Tomorrow has explained, the
answer to all such questions is, "Why do you hate
America?" A patriotic public is in no mood to question its
leader's policies.

The really amazing thing is that raiding the lockbox wasn't
enough. In the name of fighting terrorism the administration has in effect diverted
$2 trillion of Social Security surpluses, previously pledged to debt reduction, to
cover the revenue losses from tax cuts. But realistic projections now show
permanent deficits in the federal budget as a whole. This threatens the
administration's story line, which says that now is the time for even more tax cuts.


So there is intense pressure within the administration to dress up the fiscal
picture by underestimating future spending - health-care spending in particular.
Robert Greenstein of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities writes that the
administration's budget "assumes an extraordinarily low rate of growth in Medicare
costs." And since it would be hard to justify low projections of future cost growth if
current costs are surging, there is also intense pressure to keep actual Medicare
payments low, despite rapidly rising costs in the private sector.

And that brings us back to Mr. Scully's defiance. Any health-care professional will
tell you that Medicare's payment rates are increasingly inadequate. Many
physicians now turn away Medicare patients; and service providers, like the
companies that do X-rays at nursing homes, are going out of business. When Mr.
Scully discovered that he would have to face some of those service providers, he
walked out. You can't blame him (except that he was breaking the law). After all,
he's under orders to keep those numbers down.

The real lesson here is that things add up. The administration has been able to
push tax cuts that mainly go to the wealthiest few percent of Americans, because
the downside seems abstract; the middle class doesn't understand that those cuts
will eventually starve programs that it counts on, like Medicare.

But the downside has already begun. There is a direct link between the
administration's affluent-friendly tax cuts and the growing crisis of Medicare
underfunding; it really is a case of their wealth versus your health.


nytimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3684)4/22/2002 11:38:25 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 15516
 
The Washington Budget Box

The New York Times
Editorial
April 22, 2002

President Bush has been
asserting lately that the
budget is so tight there is barely
enough money to pay for
anything new besides the war on
terrorism. He has begun issuing
veto threats if Congress tries to
defy his spending priorities. How
bizarre it is, then, for him to
contend at the same time that the nation needs another
tax cut. Last week, the House went along, making
permanent the ill-advised 10-year, $1.35 trillion tax
reduction enacted last year. The Bush proposal would
drain nearly $400 billion more over the next 10 years and
cost at least $4 trillion in the decade after that. A more
irresponsible position would be hard to imagine.


The sad truth about budget politics this year is that
Congress and the Bush administration have gotten
themselves into such a box that irresponsible posturing
becomes the easiest recourse. The tax cut of last year,
along with the recent mild economic downturn, vaporized
the revenues needed to deal with anything outside
military and homeland defenses. Yet the Democrats who
would like to spend more money on education, health and
other areas are too nervous to repeal the tax cut in an
election year. As a result, the Senate, which is controlled
by Democrats, may be unable to pass any budget
resolution this year.

The reason for the Democrats' failure is simple. Earlier
this year, the Senate Budget Committee approved a
sensible resolution calling for some restraint on military
spending, no new tax cuts and more paying down of the
federal debt. But conservative Democrats want less
domestic spending and more tax cuts, and some liberals
want more domestic spending. Republicans are not ready
to supply the votes for the Democratic budget resolution.

When it comes to facing up to reality, the Republicans are
being no less irresponsible. The House, where the
Republicans are in control, is unable to pass a vital
measure sought by the Bush administration to increase
the federal debt limit. Most Republicans don't want to
admit that their own policies have returned the nation to
the days of racking up more deficits and debts.

Budget resolutions were designed to place ceilings on
overall spending and force Congress to write
appropriations bills that live with them. There was no
resolution in 1998 because at that time the House and
Senate could not agree on one. Still, the resolutions are
often useful because they can help control Congress's
tendency to embark on pork-barrel spending. Without any
specific spending limits, Congress needs to exercise some
discipline while making sure that essential needs are met
- an unlikely scenario in an election year.

Mr. Bush needs to get off his veto-threat strategy and
work with the lawmakers on finding money to sustain
investments in the right areas. If the nation is to meet its
domestic needs, and protect the next generation of
retirees, the tax cut should not be made permanent.
Instead, large parts of it, especially those benefiting the
wealthiest, should be rescinded - the sooner the better.

nytimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3684)4/27/2002 1:02:24 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Lower Tax Receipts Could Double U.S. Budget Deficit
The Los Angeles Times

April 26, 2002

E-mail story



THE NATION
Revenue: A shortfall is likely, but administration officials say there's still time to reverse the trend.

By PETER G. GOSSELIN, TIMES STAFF WRITER

WASHINGTON -- Individual income tax receipts are running far below
expectations this year, threatening to punch a $50-billion-plus hole in the
current federal budget and undercut efforts to pay for the 10-year,
$1.35-trillion tax cut.


Daily Treasury Department reports show that receipts through
Wednesday, the latest date available, were $102.2 billion lower than at the
same time last fiscal year, with less than half the difference traceable to
the tax cut.

The size of the shortfall has even some Republican budget experts
worried. "We knew there was going to be some reduction because of the
tax cuts," said G. William Hoagland, GOP staff director of the Senate
Budget Committee. "What's surprising is the order of magnitude of the
reduction not accounted for by the cut." Hoagland said that the slippage is
likely to double this year's budget deficit, which the Congressional Budget
Office recently estimated would run $46 billion, a sharp reversal from the
huge surpluses of the late 1990s and early this decade.

"It makes me nervous," he said.


White House and Treasury officials refused to comment publicly on the tax downdraft but asserted
privately there is still time for the trend to reverse itself. Individual income tax receipts, which account
for half of Washington's annual revenues, swing wildly in April as taxpayers wait until the last minute
to pay, the U.S. Postal Service takes time to deliver the checks to the Internal Revenue Service and
the IRS makes mistakes tallying up the money.

However, with only four business days left in the month and with evidence that well over two-thirds of
the year's individual tax receipts are already in, budget veterans and independent analysts said the
odds are high the government will come up substantially short.

And, these officials said, the apparent source of the shortfall suggests that the problem won't be
transitory but rather could involve a return to the budgetary nightmares that plagued Washington for
most of the two decades before the late 1990s.

"During the late '90s, there was a series of favorable federal income tax surprises that pushed up
revenues," said John Youngdahl, an economist with the New York-based investment bank Goldman
Sachs. "What we're seeing is that these are now reversing."

The recent shortfalls "are likely to be harbingers of revenue problems that will be with us for some
time to come," Youngdahl said.

The chief source of the 1990s surprises was a boom in the capital-gains taxes that people paid on their
stock market winnings, as well as similar bursts in tax payments on stock option gains and wage
bonuses. Although it will be months before the details are known, analysts said it appears that most of
the current falloff in revenues is concentrated in precisely these areas.

Federal budget officials had always assumed that tax revenues from capital gains, options and the like
would slip in the wake of the stock market drop that began in the spring of 2000. But there are signs in
the recent Treasury reports that they substantially underestimated the extent of the fall.

While the reports through Wednesday show that individual income tax revenues overall were down
11% from the same period a year ago, they show that the portion of receipts that typically include
capital gains--that taxpayers handle when they settle up with the government on April 15 rather than
having withheld from their paychecks during the year--had plunged a whopping 64%.

Analysts and budget experts said that the recent revenue falloff is particularly disturbing because it
has occurred during a period when the stock market, though still far from its early 2000 highs, had
partially recovered, and when the economy, though technically in recession, had continued to perform
better than many expected.

They said that the shortfall could mean Washington will no longer be able to count on the kind of
revenue burst from capital gains and related sources it enjoyed during the late 1990s unless the historic
stock market boom of that time repeats itself--a scenario few expect. That would make it very
difficult for the government to recover from the deficit it is expected to post this fiscal year, something
that Bush administration officials had said could be easily accomplished.

"If these trends continue, it's bad news for the budget, and not just for this year," said Rep. John M.
Spratt Jr. of South Carolina, the ranking Democrat on the House Budget Committee. "It indicates that
the deficit could be a much deeper, more intractable problem than we'd thought."

The political consequences could be almost as dire.

President Bush came to office promising that a surplus-drenched Washington had enough money to
stash away Social Security and Medicare savings for the impending baby boom retirement, spend
more on such programs as education and cut taxes by $1.35 trillion.

Although the stock market plunge, a recession and the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks drastically changed
national circumstances, White House budget officials have insisted the combination would have only a
transitory effect on the federal budget--pushing it back into deficits, but only by comparatively small
sums and only for three years.

Budget officials estimated that the combination of setbacks, plus the tax cut, would trim individual
income tax receipts by only $45 billion this year, from $995 billion in fiscal 2001 to $950 billion this
fiscal year.

But individual tax receipts are arriving at a pace that suggests that, when fully collected, they will be
about $50 billion short of the administration's goal. In addition, some other tax revenues are also
running behind, according to budget experts.

As a result, they said, the deficit for the curent fiscal year, which began Oct. 1, is likely to double to
$100 billion or more. By contrast, Washington managed a surplus of $127 billion in the last fiscal year.

In addition, administration forecasts of returning to a surplus by fiscal 2004 are likely to prove overly
optimistic. The new tax receipt numbers "raise some concern about the president's commitment to get
back to balance by 2004," said Hoagland, the Senate Republican staffer.

Many budget analysts predicted that once the economy recovered, Washington would return to
something like the heady tax revenue days of the late 1990s. But with the government set to issue new
growth numbers later today that show the economy expanding at a better-than-3% annual rate during
the first three months of the year, and still no improvement in the tax revenue picture, hopes for a
quick turnaround in the budget situation are fading.

The revenue shortfall will put added pressure on Congress to pare spending and could fuel demands to
slow or reverse portions of the Bush tax cut. The president's proposal was premised on the notion that
Washington would collect $5.6 trillion in surpluses over 10 years, an outcome that now seems highly
unlikely.


latimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3684)6/19/2002 2:23:53 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 15516
 
Report Predicts Deep Benefit Cuts Under Bush Social Security Plan
The New York Times , The National Edition
Page A 22
June 19, 2002

By RICHARD W. STEVENSON

WASHINGTON, June 18 - Opponents of President Bush's plan to create personal
investment accounts within Social Security released a report today concluding that the
administration's approach would lead to deep cuts in retirement
benefits and still require trillions of dollars in additional financing to keep
the system solvent.


The report, by Peter A. Diamond, an economics professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and Peter R. Orszag, a
senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, is sure to provide material to Democrats for this fall's Congressional elections.

White House officials criticized the report as misleading or wrong. They said the report exaggerated the cuts in benefits by
comparing them with what is available under current law, rather than with what the system could afford to pay if no changes
were made to the system as the population ages in coming decades.

Without any changes, Social Security will start paying out more in benefits than it takes
in from payroll tax revenues and interest starting in 2027, leaving it increasingly dependent
on redeeming government bonds the system holds, according to the
system's trustees. By 2041, Social Security would exhaust its "trust fund" of bonds,
leaving it unable to pay full benefits.

The report concluded that under two of the commission's three proposals, monthly benefits
for each member of a two-earner couple retiring at 65 in 2075 would be well below
benefits promised under current law even after taking account of the returns
from a personal investment account. The report did not analyze the commission's
third proposal, which would not seek to
restore the system's long-term solvency.


Under one of the commission's proposals, the report said, total benefits would be 10 percent below current-law benefits for
low-income people, 21 percent below current-law benefits for middle-income people and 25 percent below current-law benefits
for upper income people.

Under the other proposal, the reductions in total benefits would range from 21 percent to 27 percent, and would be even larger
if adjusted for the risk of investing in the stock market, the report said. The benefit reductions would be smaller for people who
reach retirement age in the next three or four decades.

Charles P. Blahous, executive director of the president's commission, said the study "appears to have been deliberately
constructed to bias the discussion against proposals that include personal accounts."

Mr. Blahous cited calculations showing that in most cases retirees would receive larger benefits under the commission's
proposals than the current system can actually afford to pay, and that in some cases beneficiaries would do as well as or better
than the current system promises.

Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company



To: Mephisto who wrote (3684)9/20/2002 7:39:55 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Study Says Middle Class to Lose Much of Bush Tax Cut's Benefit
The New York Times
September 19, 2002

" Under the alternative minimum tax system, many deductions
are denied, including those for children, the taxpayers
themselves and for state and
local taxes. At that point, taxes are
calculated at rates of 26 to 35 percent.

"We're talking about a really nasty marriage penalty,"
Mr. Burman said. "You are 25 times to 30 times more
likely to be on the alternative minimum
tax if you are married rather than single."



By DAVID CAY JOHNSTON


WASHINGTON, Sept. 18 - Nearly all middle- and upper-middle-class families will lose some of the income tax cuts scheduled over the next
eight years as they are forced to pay a separate tax originally intended to make sure that the rich cannot live tax-free, a study released today
found.

By the end of the decade, when the tax cuts pushed into law
by the Bush administration in 2001 become fully effective,
85 percent of taxpayers with two or more children will be
forced off the regular income tax and onto a separate
system known as the alternative minimum tax.

The additional burden will fall largely on families with
incomes of $75,000 to $500,000.
Just three years ago
fewer than one million taxpayers, most
at the upper reaches of the income spectrum,
were subject to the complex separate tax.
But if nothing is changed, by 2010 about 36 million
taxpayers will face it. Indeed, virtually all taxpayers
earning $100,000 to $500,000 will fall under its sway.

"What was a class tax is becoming a mass tax," said Len Burman
of the Urban Institute, one of the study's authors and
a tax expert under former
Presidents Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton.


Under the alternative minimum tax system, many deductions
are denied, including those for children, the taxpayers
themselves and for state and
local taxes.
At that point, taxes are
calculated at rates of 26 to 35 percent.

"We're talking about a really nasty marriage penalty,"
Mr. Burman said. "You are 25 times to 30 times more
likely to be on the alternative minimum
tax if you are married rather than single."

The study, drawn from computer models of tax behavior
similar to those used by Congress and the administration,
was made by the Tax Policy Center, a joint venture
of the Brookings Institution and the Urban Institute.

The authors of the study are economists who have served under both
Republican and Democratic administrations. While generally espousing
moderately liberal positions, they have done research and made calculations
that are generally considered nonpartisan and are widely respected.


It has been known since shortly after Mr. Bush's tax
cut bill was introduced last year that its rate cuts
would force many middle-class people off the
regular income tax and onto the alternative tax.

But the study provides the most in-depth look to date
at the impact on millions of taxpayers of the
interaction between the regular system and
the alternative tax.

Claire Buchan,
a White House spokeswoman, said that "the administration is aware of this issue and will
continue to look at it and work with any
members of Congress who are interested."

The study, however, shows just how hard it will be to
repair the problem, demonstrating that almost any
solution will cost the Treasury hundreds of
billions of dollars or require raising taxes elsewhere
to compensate for the losses. No action is expected
anytime soon.

The new study also raises questions about whether
the government has, inadvertently, adopted an
antifamily tax policy despite years of talk in
Congress and on the campaign trail about
giving tax relief to middle-class families.

The study found that 97 percent of families with
two children and income of $75,000 to $100,000
would be forced off the regular income tax system
by 2010.

"This is a cop married to a nurse," said William
Gale of the Brookings Institution, one of the study's authors.

The alternative tax will raise only about $13 billion this year,
but its impact will soar to $141.4 billion in 2010,
the authors calculated. By 2008, they
said, it would cost more to repeal the alternative
tax than to repeal the regular tax, an indication
of the government's growing reliance on the tax.


For those making less than $50,000 - roughly three-fourths of all taxpayers - the alternative tax has only negligible effects.

For those making $50,000 to $75,000, the alternative
tax in 2010 will, on average, take away 18 cents of
each dollar
of the scheduled Bush tax cuts.
For those making $75,000 to $100,000 it will take back
42 cents and for those making $100,000 to $500,000
it returns 71 cents of every dollar of rate
relief to the tax collector.


Taxpayers making more than $1 million, however, will
lose just 8 cents on each dollar of the Bush tax cuts
because most rich taxpayers would still
face higher rates under the normal system
than under the alternative tax.

More than half of the Bush tax cuts, when fully effective in
2010, will go to those making more than $1 million,
other analyses have shown.


The study yesterday showed that the burden of the
minimum tax will shift from the richest Americans to
the middle class, which the authors
defined as including people making up to $100,000.

Today people making more than $1 million pay 20 cents on each dollar that the alternative tax raises,
but in 2010 that will fall to 5 cents. At the
same time taxpayers earning $50,000 to $100,000 will see their share
of the alternative tax triple to 18 cents of every dollar raised.

This shift in who pays the alternative tax explains, the authors said,
why those making $75,000 to $200,000 will pay a larger share of all income
taxes in 2010, while those making $1 million or more will pay less.

Those making $100,000 to $200,000, for example, will pay 21.8 percent of the
combined revenue from the regular and the alternative income tax this year.
That will rise to 27.1 percent in 2010.

For those making more than $1 million, however, their share of taxes
will go down, from 21.6 percent this year to 18.5 percent in 2010.

When the current form of the alternative tax was adopted, as part of the
1986 tax reform act, it raised only about $1 billion from a relatively small
number of rich taxpayers who used aggressive techniques to avoid income
taxes, Mr. Burman said.


The authors said that the revenue from the alternative tax is rising so fast that to return
it to its original intent would cost as much as $951 billion over the next decade. They said
simply abolishing the tax would make the system less fair. But limiting it to the old target
could be financed, they said, by freezing the 2001 Bush tax cuts, for both income and estates,
at their current levels.


nytimes.com
Copyright 2002 The New York Times Company



To: Mephisto who wrote (3684)9/23/2002 5:03:19 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Daschle hits Bush on economy

Remarks viewed as shift of focus to fiscal record

''We have lost 2 million jobs in the last 18 months in this
country,'' Daschle said. ''You have to go all the way back to
Herbert Hoover to see a performance in the Standard & Poor's
500 equal to what we are experiencing right now.''


By Sue Kirchhoff, Globe Staff, 9/19/2002

ASHINGTON - The Senate's top Democrat yesterday
accused the White House of mismanaging the economy
and the federal budget, calling the Bush administration's
record the worst in five decades.



Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, a South Dakota
Democrat, blasted the White House in a speech from the
chamber floor. His remarks were viewed as part of a calculated
effort to move the political focus away from a possible war with
Iraq and back toward domestic issues where Democrats felt
they had been gaining momentum heading into the midterm
elections.

''Just as we properly recognize the threat that exists in more
traditional national security areas, we, as a country and
particularly as a government, would be remiss in our
responsibilities were we not to address economic security, were
we not to recognize the peril this country is in economically,''
Daschle said. ''It is clear this administration has the worst
performance in terms of real economic growth that we have
seen in the last 50 years,'' he said.

Speaking for a half hour, Daschle ticked off a litany of
economic woes including historically high long-term
unemployment and declining 401(k) balances. He labeled the
declining budget federal surplus one of the biggest
contributors to the economic malaise.


Daschle was immediately attacked by congressional
Republicans and White House officials, who complained that
he had misconstrued Bush's record. They also pointed out that
Senate Democrats had failed to vote on a budget plan this
year, for the first time ever.

''It was a very dispiriting and disappointing performance - I'm
tempted to say tantrum,'' White House Budget Director Mitch
Daniels told reporters. ''It continues, I'm sad to say it, a pattern
of total defect of leadership. ... I don't know what brought it on,
but I don't think it was his finest hour.''

Republicans handed out a three-page list detailing the
president's economic achievements, including last year's $1.6
trillion tax cut, and reminded reporters the recession had
taken hold before Bush took the oath of office.

Daschle's remarks were ''a campaign speech that used up time
that could have been better spent passing the defense bill,
homeland security'' and other priorities, Daniels said.

But even as he criticized Daschle, Daniels said that the federal
budget picture was continuing to worsen. He said an early
glimpse of just-filed Sept. 15 quarterly income tax payments
showed a sharp decline in federal revenues had continued. The
fallout in tax receipts will increase the size of expected budget
deficits this year and next, and also reduce the
administration's five- and 10-year budget forecasts.
Both government and private forecasters dramatically
overestimated the amount of tax revenue the federal
government will collect this year. The falloff in revenues, tied
largely to the decline in stock values, is one of the main
reasons the 10-year federal budget surplus has shrunk from
$5.6 trillion to $300 billion. The Congressional Budget Office
expects deficits through 2005.

Given the worsening fiscal situation, and the possibility of a
war with Iraq,
Daniels warned Congress to hold the line in
coming weeks as lawmakers put together 13 annual spending
bills. Congress is widely expected to adjourn without passing
the bills, instead continuing funding for most government
programs at current levels in a mammoth, catch-all spending
measure.

Daschle's speech was the beginning of what Democrats expect
to be a concerted effort to emphasize economic issues this
election year. Republicans hold the House by just six seats,
while Democrats have only a one-vote margin in the chamber.
Public opinion polls have shown that voters trust Republicans
more on issues of national security, and Democrats more on
domestic policy.

''We have lost 2 million jobs in the last 18 months in this
country,'' Daschle said. ''You have to go all the way back to
Herbert Hoover to see a performance in the Standard & Poor's
500 equal to what we are experiencing right now.''


Republicans said the Democratic charges would not stick,
given Democrats' less than stellar record including their
inability, so far, to pass a bill providing new protections to
401(k) retirement plans.

''Let me point out that the emperor has no clothes,'' said
Senate Minority Leader Trent Lott, a Mississippi Republican.
''You can't be accusing somebody else of not doing their job
when you haven't done your job.''

Sue Kirchhoff can be reached at kirchhoff@globe.com.

This story ran on page C2 of the Boston Globe on 9/19/2002.
© Copyright 2002 Globe Newspaper Company.

boston.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (3684)9/28/2002 11:10:03 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
Weapons of mass distraction

President Bush wouldn't want to talk about the many
issues which the Iraq crisis is obscuring


Observer Worldview

Dan Plesch
Sunday September 29, 2002


Just talking about invading Iraq has a very useful effect for
President Bush. It stops a public debate about his catastrophic
record as President. Indeed, had President Clinton or any
Democrat a similar record, impeachment would already be
underway.


Leave to one side President Bush's much discussed habit of
walking away from international agreements and his wilful
introduction of anarchy into international security. Take instead
what might be central Republican tests of this administration.
The President doing in the war on terrorism or the war on drugs?

He would be judged on the United States' economic
performance and the health of the stock market, and might be
expected to uphold the financial probity of US capitalism. Yet, in
all of these areas, the President's record is one of failure.

President Bush and his officials failed to give adequate priority to
Al Qaeda despite much advice that they should do so. In waging
the war on Afghanistan, they made several tactical blunders that
allowed the enemy leaders to escape. They have not yet
accounted for these errors.


The administration had plenty of advice about Al-Qaeda. In
January 2001, the outgoing National Security Advisor, Sandy
Berger, personally briefs Condeleeza Rice, his replacement, on
a plan to stop Al Qaeda. Rice merely starts a slow process of
policy review.
Meanwhile various parts of the intelligence
community are pushing the ideas of attacks with aircraft and
terrorists engaging in flight training in the US.

These include the plan foiled by the French to fly a hijacked jet
into the Eiffel Tower and the plot in the Philippines to hijack 11
passenger planes simultaneously over the Pacific as well as the
now famous 'Phoenix memo' from an FBI agent warning of
terrorist flight training. In response to these pushes, there is no
equivalent 'pull' from the top of the administration looking for and
drawing in this intelligence. The US Congress decided last week
to appoint an independent commission looking into failures
leading up to 9/11. In my view, a Gore administration which had
failed to act would already have been drummed out of office.

In the war itself there were a number of significant operational
failures.
There have now been numerous reports that, after the
launch of Operation Enduring Freedom, Bin Laden left Kabul for
Jallalabad and the mountains beyond as part of a group of
50-100 vehicles. The US military has expended vast sums of
money developing technology for tracking vehicles on the ground
from aircraft. This was first developed to tackle the Soviet armies
in Central Europe. The 'JSTARS' plane is the best known
technology in this area. These converted Boeing civilian airliners
are filled with radars and computers to operate the Joint
Surveillance and Target Acquisition Radar System. The generals
in command of this and other parallel systems appear to have
spectacularly failed to survey and acquire targets on one of the
main and highly visible routes in Afghanistan.

The attack in December on the redoubt at Tora Bora also
appears to have gone badly wrong. There have been numerous
reports detailing Al Qaeda leaders escaped through high
mountain passes. President Bush and his commanders
delegated the ground fighting to Afghan allies. Despite the
supposed hardheaded realism of the Bush team, they were
extremely naive in expecting that the Afghans would do an
effective job for them. The Administration decided not to deploy
US paratroopers or special forces to block the escape routes
from Tora Bora, even though there would have been strong public
support for their deployment.


In March, the US Army launched 2,000 men into an assault
against Al Qaeda's mountain positions near the town of Gardez.
The plan was leaked to the enemy - US forces were ambushed,
their Brigade HQ attacked, and US helicopters and planes were
unable to reinforce their own troops for two days due to the
intensity of enemy fire. There troops had been sent in by
overconfident commanders who had left their own artillery and
even sleeping bags behind. Eight were killed and 70 wounded
before the enemy slipped away. The death toll would have been
far higher save for the body armour that the soldiers now wear.


Having failed to give priority to tackling Al Qaeda and rejected
advice to do so, the Administration then failed twice to conduct
competent military operations against the Al Qaeda and Taliban
leadership.

Now let's look at the War on Drugs. Whatever you may think of
this War, it has for years been a top priority of US conservative
politicians.
For years too, Afghanistan has been the main
source of supply around the world. Somehow and for whatever
reason the Taliban were able to reduce production by an order of
magnitude to hundreds rather than more than a thousand tons a
year. The Taliban had little money to offer, their military power
was mainly light weapons driven on a 4x4 backed by Islamic
principle and ruthlessness.

Now the international community has more than 10,000 troops
in the region and has pledged billions of dollars in aid.
Somehow, though this is not doing the job. According to
Drugscope, production is expected to reach 1,900 tons and the
UK and other Western countries will soon be flooded with cheap
heroin that will destroy many thousands of lives. It would appear
that although the US is now in a uniquely favourable position to
shut down production by a combination of cash and coercion,
President Bush has effectively chosen this moment to surrender
in the War on Drugs, without putting place any alternative policy
such as decriminalisation to help save his own people from jail
and destitution.

Turning to economic matters let's look at President Bush's
public and private economic policies. The President inherited a
projected budget surplus of $313 billion for 2002. Now, a deficit
of $157 billion is expected.


The chairman of the Federal Reserve, Alan Greenspan warned in
September that "Returning to a fiscal climate of continuous large
deficits would risk returning to an era of high interest rates, low
levels of investment, and slower growth of productivity." One
reason for the deficit is that, with the recession, government
income from taxes has fallen. The other reason is that the
President gave away $1.3 trillion dollars in tax cuts. Middle
income tax payers got a few hundred dollars; the bulk of the
cuts went to the super-wealthy.


In addition, the military received
an additional $48 billion this year. Expect further rises in future.
The Washington NGO, 'Taxpayers for Common Sense' advised
that these sums would continue to grow: "given the inability of
the Pentagon to set priorities among the services and end
outmoded weapons programs and congressional pork barrel
tendencies, the pressure will continue to grow to exceed the
President's request."

So the President has by action and inaction undermined the
economy and hurt the livelihood of Americans and people around
the world, failed to prioritise hunting terrorists in advance of 9/11,
failed to ensure that the military action that was taken was
effective and surrendered in the war on drugs without having
another plan. This just leaves the question of his own and his
Vice President's potential financial misdeeds.

The Vice President, Dick Cheney, is now facing a civil law suit
for fraud from the NGO Judicial Watch. This alleges that the
Vice President and others inflated the earnings of Halliburton, a
company he ran, in order to raise the share price. The Vice
President has had a much lower public profile of late: he is said
to have spent much of the last six months hunkered down with
his lawyers preparing a defence.

The President himself has yet
to give satisfactory answers about his sale of shares in an oil
company for a large profit just ahead of bad news which would
have slashed their value. You may recall that President Clinton
had to face a government investigation from an independent
prosecutor for what became known as the Whitewater affair.

War fever has so far protected the present leadership from such
scrutiny - after all, this is not the time to weaken the
government.

Without Iraq, this and other issues would loom far larger on US
TV screens and perhaps negatively impact the President's
Republican Party in the elections for House and Senate that
take place this November. The election is very tight indeed,
especially in the Senate which the Democrats control by a
single vote. With a third of the seats up for election this year,
there are just eight marginal states, four leaning Democrat and
four Republican.

Now after this distraction, it's time to get back to those
Weapons of Mass Destruction.

· Dan Plesch is author of 'Sheriff and Outlaws in the Global
Village' and Senior Research Fellow at the Royal United
Services Institute (www.rusi.org. He writes a monthly online
commentary for Observer Worldview - you can read his previous
pieces here. Additional research by Avnish Patel.

Send us your views

You can contact the author at dplesch@rusi.org and send your
views to Observer site editor Sunder Katwala at
observer@guardianunlimited.co.uk with comments on articles or
ideas for future pieces.

observer.co.uk



To: Mephisto who wrote (3684)1/8/2003 1:02:49 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 15516
 
Bush's unkind cuts
A BOSTON GLOBE EDITORIAL
boston.com
1/7/2003

PRESIDENT BUSH'S proposal to drain $600 billion in tax
cuts from the federal budget over the next 10 years would
benefit a relatively few Americans - but they are the favored
few.


Emboldened by Republican victories in November that put his
party in control of Congress, Bush is expected to call today for
accelerating cuts in income tax rates and eliminating the tax
on stock dividends, among other changes. This, his analysts
say, would boost the stock market and stimulate the economy.

But the stock market and the economy are not the same thing.
Despite the great influx of average taxpayers into the market
through mutual funds and 401(k) plans, the Federal Reserve
estimates that only about half of American families own any
stock at all, and dividends are still paid overwhelmingly to the
wealthiest Americans.

According to the Center on Budget and Public Policy Priorities,
the top 1 percent of tax filers - those making more than
$300,000 - will get 42 percent of the benefit from eliminating
the dividend tax. Accelerating the cuts in income tax rates will
similarly benefit those with the highest incomes.


Last week Bush complained that pointing out these realities
amounts to waging ''class warfare.'' But Senator Harry Reid of
Nevada, a Democrat, had it about right when he said Sunday
That the real class war is being waged by Republicans against
the poor and middle classes, who will benefit little from the tax
cuts but will be hurt by cuts in services - especially Medicare
and Social Security - that will be threatened as federal deficits
balloon.


Bush's proposal is particularly cynical in linking the tax cuts to
revenue sharing for cash-strapped states and an extension of
unemployment benefits for the 750,000 Americans whose
checks ran out on Dec. 28. Both should be passed quickly on
their own merits and not be used as bait - or ransom - for the
larger tax bill.

The states are facing their worst fiscal crash in 60 years, with a
revenue gap of between $60 billion and $85 billion for the
fiscal year beginning in July. Given costly federal mandates
such as the ''No Child Left Behind'' education law, a hand up
from Washington is only fair. Also, like the rebates in the
Democrats' alternative plan unveiled yesterday, the $10 billion
in aid to states would more immediately stimulate the
economy. The dividend cut would not be felt until April 2004.

The White House said yesterday that the full Bush proposal -
including the elimination of the so-called marriage penalty and
a bigger child tax credit - would save 92 million taxpayers an
average of $1,083 a year. But the concentration of wealth at the
top has become so great that the majority of taxpayers are
below the ''average.'' That inequity would only be made worse
by the president's costly scheme.

This story ran on page A14 of the Boston Globe on 1/7/2003.
© Copyright 2002 Globe Newspaper Company.