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To: James Strauss who wrote (10903)4/23/2002 2:29:27 PM
From: Bucky Katt  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13094
 
Jim, the QQQ did what I did not expect, I closed that trade out this morn for a small loss, but my MOT puts are looking good.

It really feels like the market could fall of the cliff here, or not?



To: James Strauss who wrote (10903)4/23/2002 2:36:31 PM
From: Catfish  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13094
 
James,
The National Socialist Workers Party was left wing, not right wing as it has been mis-percieved. Communism, Fascists and Nazis are all a part of the left wing of the political spectrum.

And you are correct, Europe does not seem to learn from previous political mistakes as most of the current elected governments are left-wing and socialist or socialist leaning.



To: James Strauss who wrote (10903)4/23/2002 2:46:38 PM
From: Catfish  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 13094
 
Nazi's, Socialists, Communists - One and the same
Center for the American Founding

January 20, 1998 Balint Vazsonyi

TAKING COMMUNISM SERIOUSLY
By Balint Vazsonyi

[First published January 20, 1998 in The Washington Times]

The publication in France of "The Black Book of Communism" (reviewed in the Washington Times by Ben and Daniel Wattenberg, January 8) is setting off shockwaves in French political circles. But the book's real impact could be in America. At long last, we will have the tools to confront "Communism -- The Idea."

Three centuries in the making, communism has offered the only challenge to the principles of the American Founding. It has done so under a bewildering variety of labels, all based on the identical doctrine: that human reason is supreme, and that certain people are capable of comprehending and arranging the world around us; that such people should guide all others toward an increasingly perfect and just society in which all desires will have been either eliminated or satisfied.

Unlike the American quest for the best possible world, communism thus promises the perfect world. For Lenin, that meant a world where no one owned anything. For Hitler, one without Jews and ruled by Germans. Stalin combined it all -- no Jews, no ownership, and a world domination by Russia. Mao hunted down those who possessed Western books.

All for social justice. All "in the best interest of the people."

Eyebrows were raised when my 1995 essay "The Battle for America's Soul" detailed the parallels between the Third Reich and the Soviet Union as "The Unlikely Twins." Even more skepticism greeted the assertion that both grew out of nineteenth-century German philosophy. It comes as a relief that Tony Judt (New York Times, December 22, 1997) and Alain Besancon (Commentary, January 1998) published the same conclusions. Having grown up under both tyrannies, there was the troubling possibility that I had developed obsessions and mistaken them for reality.

For sure, a lot is asked of native-born Americans with no experience of foreign occupation or tyranny, to see all this in the same light as those who lived through it. Even the often-shown horror pictures of the nazi concentration camps must appear as something from another planet. Visual record of the horrible deeds elsewhere is not accessible, and reports of them have been obscured by the beguiling language of socialism: "peace, compassion, international brotherhood."

But reality is that even Mussolini was a socialist who, thrown out by fellow-socialists, formed his own socialist party named "fascist" after a symbol from ancient Rome. Reality is that Hitler's outfit was called the National Socialist German Workers' Party, with a manifesto copied from Marx. Reality is that Lenin's Bolshevik Party was based on German books. Differences merely reflected local conditions. Jiang Zemin, China's current president speaks of "Socialism with Chinese characteristics."

Might some people be working on socialism with American characteristics?

Most Americans prefer the notion that communism went out with the dissolution of the Soviet Union. But communism, remember, was not born in the Soviet Union. Why would it have died with the Soviet Union? Is it likely that the millions who signed on to The Idea just shrugged their shoulders in 1991 and drank a toast to the rule of law and free enterprise?

Remember also: socialists, whether they realize it or not, are committed to building communism because socialism -- President Jiang Zemin reminds us -- is but a phase on the road to communism.

Many see a difference between socialists and communists. But Marx, in the Communist Manifesto of 1848, already differentiates among seven types of socialism, dismissing all except his own. Since his doctrines are described as "socialist" and the publication is called "Communist Manifesto," it is just a game with words. The most successful word game was devised by Stalin, who renamed Hitler's regime "fascist" to cover up the fact that it, too, was socialist.

For several decades, we have been fooled about nazism and communism as "opposites." Nazis were the ultimate evil but communists -- Hollywood assured us during the 50th anniversary of the HUAC hearings -- were good people. The "Hollywood Ten" of 1948, and many others since, believed that communism was really a good idea with a few "mistakes" along the way.

By mistake, a hundred million people were killed in various terrible ways, so the "Black Book of Communism" informs us. That, and the irrefutable evidence of methods identical to those of Nazi Germany, should open many eyes at last. There is nothing we can do about the past. But we can do something for the future. We can change the words we use.

As Alain Besancon points out in Commentary, the current vocabulary for our political spectrum is of Soviet origin. It placed socialists and communists on the left, "capitalists, imperialists" on the right. Once nazis entered the picture, they became the far right, and room was created for "moderates" in the middle.

Each of these propositions is a deception.

Placing communist socialists and national socialists at opposite ends feigned a quality difference between their agendas, and the people who joined them. It also hinted that everyone on the "right" was in some proximity to the hated nazis. Recently, "extremist" has been added to move those on the "right," rhetorically, ever closer to nazis.

Accompanying this has been the refusal by persons who espouse classic socialist tools to be called socialist. What else should we call people who advocate redistribution, class warfare, classification by ancestry, political correctness, revisionist history, school-to-work, speech codes? Or do they not realize they are socialists?

If so, millions of Americans might reconsider their stance once they realize its origins. Millions more might rediscover America's founding principles once they accept that nazism was just another form of socialism. So let us restore clarity.

There are the principles of the American Founding: the rule of law, individual rights, guaranteed property, and a common American identity. They bring, maintain, and defend freedom.

Then there is the road to socialism: "social justice," group rights, redistribution through entitlements, and multiculturalism. They crush the human spirit, and enslave the participants.

One is home-grown, secured by the sacrifice of countless generations, and uniquely successful. The other is of foreign origin, propagated around the world by political operatives, and has produced the greatest tragedies of recorded history.

It should not be difficult to choose.

But there is no middle.



To: James Strauss who wrote (10903)4/23/2002 5:44:15 PM
From: Bucky Katt  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 13094
 
These words by Chirac are unreal for a president>

A confident Jean-Marie Le Pen told France "I'll win" presidential elections after conservative head of state Jacques Chirac launched a stinging attack on the extreme-right challenger and his "brutal" solutions.

Street protests against Le Pen took place across France for the second day in a row, gathering a total of more than 90,000 people each time. Another demonstration was building in Paris late Tuesday, succeeding two other night marches that have ended in violence.

"France is confronted with a grave situation. What is at stake is its soul, its cohesion, its role in Europe and the world," Chirac told a crowd of 7,000 supporters in the northwestern city of Rennes.

Launching his campaign for round two of the election on May 5, Chirac, 69, also unleashed a blistering attack on Le Pen, 73, whom he accused of "brandishing the threat of the street, and waving the spectres of brute force, of the irrational, of contempt."

And he said he would refuse to take part in a planned televised debate with the National Front leader.

"In the face of intolerance and hate, no dealing is possible, no compromise is possible, no debate is possible," he said to loud cheers in the hangar of an exhibition centre outside the city.

Le Pen shot back on state-run France 2 television that the refusal was "an intolerable, inadmissable attack on the rules of democracy, and the fact that it comes from the president... is a scandal."

He was in part backed by an opinion survey, released by the CSA firm, which showed seven out of 10 French people wanted to see a debate between the two.


He also claimed that the protests against him, which are planned to carry on to May 5, involved only "a handful" of people.

And he predicted he would win the run-off in the same way he shocked France by finishing second in the presidential first round election last Sunday.

"There will be just as big a surprise May 5 as there was on Sunday," he said.

"It's a combat for France. I'll take it to the end. And I'll win."

Le Pen, a brash ex-paratrooper, added that, if that happened, his first act would be a referendum on cutting France's ties with the European Union.

He would then bring back the franc, restore border controls, deport illegal immigrants, make the French work longer hours, impose discipline in schools, and phase out income tax.

But with the Socialist party promising to rally behind Chirac after its candidate Prime Minister Lionel Jospin, 64, was knocked out on Sunday, the incumbent president is practically assured of winning a new five-year term.

Chirac used his Rennes address to appeal for as large a majority as possible in order to wipe out the embarrassment of Le Pen's first round success.

"In belonging to the French nation we are all united by our rejection of extremism, of racism, of anti-Semitism and of xenophobia. We all reject the simplistic brutal solutions that will always lead one day to the violence of the state," he said.

And in an attack on Le Pen's declared aim of taking France out of the European Union, Chirac said France would never leave Europe, "because Europe is peace, Europe is democracy, Europe is liberty, Europe is prosperity."

Among the enthusiastic audience were leading figures of the centrist parties Liberal Democracy (DL) and the Union for French Democracy (UDF), which Chirac's Gaullists are hoping to bring into a broad pro-Chirac coalition in time for the crucial parliamentary elections that take place in June.

With victory almost certain in the presidential election, the right is hoping to capitalise on the sense of crisis prevailing since Le Pen's breakthrough to win a clear majority in the National Assembly and push through institutional and economic reforms.

According to Chirac, the thrust of his programme will be to clamp down on crime, and reduce the economic constraints that he says are hampering France's international competitivity.

Once elected he promised to nominate a minister of security, introduce new criminal justice laws, reduce income tax for 2002 by five percent, cut the social charges paid by employers and take steps to make more flexible the 35 hour working week.

He also promised to modernise the administration and devolve more powers to France's regions.

He ended with an appeal for national unity, embracing both the left -- now with no candidate in the election -- and Le Pen's first round supporters.

"Many are those on the left who must feel like orphans of the democratic debate. And other French men and women who just wanted to make known their anger and the difficulties of their lives must be troubled by a result they never intended.

"To all I say that solutions do exist. A great future beckons for France, Chirac said.