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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (825)6/28/2002 12:23:56 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Chuckle of the day, courtesy of Fleck over on TheStreet.com...

EBITDA: Earnings Before I Trick Dah Auditors



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (825)6/28/2002 12:33:19 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Capitalism Betrayed

The rise of the White Collar Big Money Psychopath.

By PEGGY NOONAN

Friday, June 28, 2002 12:01 a.m. EDT

Three scenes.

It is a spring day in the early 1990s and I am talking with the head of a mighty American corporation. We're in his window-lined office, high in midtown Manhattan, the view--silver skyscrapers stacked one against another, dense, fine-lined, sparkling in the sun--so perfect, so theatrical it's like a scrim, like a fake backdrop for a 1930s movie about people in tuxes and tails. Edward Everett Horton could shake his cocktail shaker here; Fred and Ginger could banter on the phone.

The CEO tells me it is "annual report" time, and he is looking forward to reading the reports of his competitors.

Why? I asked him. I wondered what specifically he looks for when he reads the reports of the competition.

He said he always flipped to the back to see what the other CEOs got as part of their deal--corporate jets, private helicopters, whatever. "We all do that," he said. "We all want to see who has what."

Second scene: It is the mid-'90s, a soft summer day, and I am crossing a broad Manhattan avenue, I think it was Third or Lexington. I am doing errands. I cross the avenue with the light but halfway across I see the switch to yellow. I pick up my pace. From the corner of my eye I see, then hear, the car. Bright black Mercedes, high gloss, brand new. The man at the wheel, dark haired, in his 30s, is gunning the motor. Vroom vroom! He drums his fingers on the steering wheel impatiently. The light turns. He vrooms forward. I sprint the last few steps toward the sidewalk. He speeds by so close the wind makes my cotton skirt move. I realize: If I hadn't sprinted that guy would have hit me. I think: Young Wall Street Titan. Bonus bum.

Third scene, just the other night. I am talking to a shrewd and celebrated veteran of Wall Street and Big Business. The WorldCom story has just broken; he tells me of it. He has a look I see more and more, a kind of facelift look only it doesn't involve a facelift. It's like this: The face goes blanched and blank and the eyes go up slightly as if the hairline had been yanked back. He looked scalped by history.

For years, he said, he had given speeches in Europe on why they should invest in America. We have the great unrigged game, he'd tell them, we have oversight and regulation, we're the stable democracy with reliable responsible capitalism. "I can't give that speech anymore," he said.

Something is wrong with--what shall we call it? Wall Street, Big Business. We'll call it Big Money. Something has been wrong with it for a long time, at least a decade, maybe more. Probably more. I don't fully understand it. I can't imagine that it's this simple: A new generation of moral and ethical zeroes rose to run Big Money over the past decade, and nobody quite noticed but they were genuinely bad people who were running the system into the ground. I am not sure it's this simple, either: A friend tells me it all stems from the easy money of the '90s, piles and piles of funny money that Wall Street learned to play with. That would be a description of the scandal, perhaps, but not the reason for it.
At any rate it no longer seems like a scandal. "Scandal" seems quaint. It is starting to feel like a tragedy. Not for Wall Street and for corporations--it's a setback for them--but for our country. For a way of living and being.

Those who invested in and placed faith in Global Crossing, Enron, Tyco or WorldCom have been cheated and fooled by individuals whose selfishness seems so outsized, so huge, that it seems less human and flawed than weird and puzzling. Did they think they would get away with accounting scams forever? Did they think they'd never get caught? Do they think they're operating in the end times and they better grab what they can now and go hide? What were they thinking?

We should study who these men are--they are still all men, and still being turned in by women--and try to learn how they rationalized their actions, how they excused their decisions or ignored the consequences, how they thought about the people they were cheating. I mention this because I've been wondering if we are witnessing the emergence of a new pathology: White Collar Big Money Psychopath.

I have been reading Michael Novak, the philosopher and social thinker and, to my mind, great man. Twenty years ago this summer he published what may be his masterpiece, "The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism." It was a stunning book marked by great clarity of expression and originality of thought. He spoke movingly of the meaning and morality of capitalism. He asked why capitalism is good, and answered that there is one great reason: Of all the systems devised by man it is the one most likely to lift the poor out of poverty.
But, he asserted unassailably, capitalism cannot exist in a void. Capitalism requires an underlying moral edifice. Without it nothing works; with it all is possible. That edifice includes people who have an appreciation for and understanding of the human person; it requires a knowledge that business can contribute to community and family; it requires "a sense of sin," a sense of right and wrong, and an appreciation that the unexpected happens, that things take surprising turns in life.

Mr. Novak was speaking, he knew, to an international intellectual community that felt toward capitalism a generalized contempt. Capitalism was selfish, exploitative, unequal, imperialistic, warlike. He himself had been a socialist and knew the critiques. But he had come to see capitalism in a new way.

Capitalism, like nature, wants to increase itself, wants to grow and create, and as it does it produces more: more goods, more services, more "liberation," more creativity, more opportunity, more possibilities, more unanticipated ferment, movement, action.

So capitalism was to Mr. Novak a public good, and he addressed its subtler critics. What of "the corruption of affluence," the idea that while it is moral discipline that builds and creates success, success itself tends to corrupt and corrode moral discipline? Dad made money with his guts, you spend it at your leisure. The result, an ethos of self indulgence, greed and narcissism. The system works, goes this argument, but too well, and in the end it corrodes.

Mr. Novak answered by quoting the philosopher Jacques Maritain, who once observed that affluence in fact inspires us to look beyond the material for meaning in our lives. "It's exactly because people have bread that they realize you can't live by bread alone." In a paradoxical way, said Mr. Novak, the more materially comfortable a society becomes, the more spiritual it is likely to become, "its hungers more markedly transcendent."

Right now Mr. Novak certainly seems right about American society. We have not become worse people with the affluence of the past 20 years, and have arguably in some interesting ways become better. (Forty years ago men in the New York City borough of Queens ignored the screams of a waitress named Kitty Genovese as she was stabbed to death in an apartment building parking lot. Today men of Queens are famous for strapping 60 pounds of gear on their back and charging into the towers.)

But it appears that the leaders of business, of Wall Street, of big accounting have, many of them, become worse with affluence. Or maybe it's just worse with time. I think of a man of celebrated rectitude who, if he returned to the Wall Street of his youth, would no doubt be welcomed back with cheers and derided behind his back as a sissy. He wouldn't dream of cooking the books. He wouldn't dream of calling costs profits. He would never fit in.

Mr. Novak famously sees business as a vocation, and a deeply serious one. Business to him is a stage, a platform on which men and women can each day take actions that are either moral or immoral, helpful or not. When their actions are marked by high moral principle, they heighten their calling--they are suddenly not just "in business" but part of a noble endeavor that adds to the sum total of human joy and progress. The work they do builds things--makes connections between people, forges community, spreads wealth, sets example, creates a template, offers inspiration. The work they do changes the world. And in doing this work they strengthen the ground on which democracy and economic freedom stand.
They are, that is, patriots.

"The calling of business is to support the reality and reputation of capitalism," says Mr. Novak, "and not undermine [it]."

But undermining it is precisely what the men of WorldCom et al. have done. It is their single most destructive act.

Edward Younkins of the Acton Institute distills Mr. Novak's philosophy into "Seven Great Responsibilities for Corporations": satisfy customers with good services of real value; make a reasonable return to investors; create new wealth; create new jobs; defeat cynicism and envy by demonstrating internally that talent and hard work will and can be rewarded; promote inventiveness, ingenuity and creativity; diversify the interests of the republic.
As for business leaders, their responsibility is to shape a corporate culture that fosters virtue; to exemplify respect for the rule of law; to act in practical ways to improve society; to communicate often and openly with investors, pensioners, customers and employees; to contribute toward improved civil society; and to protect--lovely phrase coming--"the moral ecology of freedom."

To look at the current Big Money crisis armed with Mr. Novak's views on and love of capitalism is to understand the crisis more deeply.
Businessmen are not just businessmen. They are not just moneymakers. Businessmen and -women are representatives of, leaders of, exemplars of an ethos and a way of life. They are the face and daily reality of free-market capitalism.

And when they undermine it with their actions they damage more than their reputations, more than the portfolios of investors. They damage and deal a great blow to our country. They make a great and decent edifice look dishonest and low because they are dishonest and low.

When we call them "thieves" or "con men" we are not, with these tough words, quite capturing the essence of the damage they do and have done.

It would be good if some great man or woman of business in America would rise and speak of that damage, and its meaning, and how to heal it. It would be good if the Securities and Exchange Commission held open hearings in New York on what has been done and why and by whom, and how they got away with it until they didn't anymore. It would be good if the business leaders of our country shunned those businessmen who did such damage to the very freedoms they used to make themselves wealthy. And it just might be good if some companies, on the next casual Friday, gave everyone in their employ the day off, with just one assignment: Go read a book in the park. They could start with "The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism," and go from there.
____________
Ms. Noonan is a contributing editor of The Wall Street Journal. Her most recent book, "When Character Was King: A Story of Ronald Reagan," sis published by Viking Penguin. You can buy it from the OpinionJournal bookstore. Her column appears Fridays.

opinionjournal.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (825)6/28/2002 3:10:01 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Commentary: Action needed to restore investor faith

case for 'capital' punishment
By Rex Nutting, CBS.MarketWatch.com
June 27, 2002

WASHINGTON (CBS.MW) -- Osama bin Laden couldn't hold a candle to Bernie Ebbers, Ken Lay and the other corpo-terrorists who've undermined faith in the American way.

President Bush, darling of the boardroom, seems clueless about how to halt the erosion of trust in America's companies, markets and economy.

Trust is a fragile commodity. Once lost, it can take years to restore.

Bush expresses outrage at the criminal conduct unfolding virtually every week, but his words fall far short of what's needed. Read his words.

We need an FDR, but we're stuck with a Hoover, a well-meaning man who, faced with what became known as the Great Depression, denied to the end that anything was wrong.

Instead of modest reforms, we need dramatic actions that will tell investors, workers and taxpayers that Wall Street's shenanigans are a thing of the past. This goes beyond throwing a few bad apples in jail or changing a few accounting laws.

The White House ought to declare war on Wall Street's liars.

If the government can hire 200,000 airport guards to go through little old ladies' purses, it can certainly hire enough accountants and lawyers to sort through Corporate America's books with a fine-toothed comb.

Which, after all, presents a greater threat to the nation? An 80-pound grandmother or an $800 million-a-year CEO?

Bush should reinstate the draft for this war.

If the Securities and Exchange Commission can't handle the tremendous task of ferreting out every single lie and misstatement, it should enlist the help of every other federal agency, temporarily, until the job's done. See story on SEC action against WorldCom.

The thousands of accountants and lawyers who work for the General Accounting Office, the Federal Reserve, the Federal Communications Commission, the Justice Department and a hundred other departments and agencies should be assigned to the job. Most of them already have working knowledge of a particular industry; let's use it.

And, if that's not enough, there are a few thousand innocent ex-Andersen people who are ready and very willing to help us catch the crooks who've fleeced the public.

We could create a new, temporary Cabinet-level agency: the Restoration of Trust in Corporations Department.

The goal should be to back-audit every major corporation within three months. And to keep up the pressure until the accounting-standards bodies can come up with simple, straightforward rules that are easy to enforce and easy to comply with.

Once the enemy has been surrounded, tough peace terms should be imposed. Individuals found to be lying or cheating should go to jail, of course. The worst offenders should also be banned -- for life -- from holding corporate or public office. Their wealth should be confiscated.

Corporations, accounting firms, brokerage houses or others that have a history of dishonesty should be liquidated, with the assets turned over to the victims.

"Capital" punishment could be just the deterrent that's needed.

Unlike past financial scandals, the victims this time number in the tens of millions. They will not soon forget the fraud perpetrated upon them.

If the government doesn't act boldly, a whole generation of growth could be imperiled.

Without honest capital markets, the American economy will lose its edge, and the robust economy of the past 20 years will be remembered, if at all, as a cautionary fairy tale of greed and corruption.
___________________
Rex Nutting is Washington bureau chief of CBS.MarketWatch.com.

--------------------------------



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (825)6/28/2002 4:06:10 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
U.S. Businesses Dim as Models for Foreigners

By EDMUND L. ANDREWS
The New York Times

<<...FRANKFURT, June 26 — It was not just WorldCom that took a beating today. It was also the United States itself, and the American gospel of how business should be done.

After years of pumping billions of dollars into the United States because it seemed the land of opportunity, foreign investors are pulling back. And people around the world who for decades have looked to the United States as the model for openness and accountability in business have been sorely disillusioned by the mounting waves of scandal.

"This is the most pessimistic sentiment against the United States that I have ever experienced in my career," said Wolfram Gerdes, chief investment officer for global equities at Dresdner Investment Trust in Frankfurt. "There is unanimous agreement that the U.S. is not the best place to invest anymore."...>>

link to whole article...

nytimes.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (825)6/28/2002 4:27:33 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Flavors of Fraud

By PAUL KRUGMAN
The New York Times
Editorial
June 28, 2002
nytimes.com

So you're the manager of an ice cream parlor. It's not very profitable, so how can you get rich? Each of the big business scandals uncovered so far suggests a different strategy for executive self-dealing.

First there's the Enron strategy. You sign contracts to provide customers with an ice cream cone a day for the next 30 years. You deliberately underestimate the cost of providing each cone; then you book all the projected profits on those future ice cream sales as part of this year's bottom line. Suddenly you appear to have a highly profitable business, and you can sell shares in your store at inflated prices.

Then there's the Dynegy strategy. Ice cream sales aren't profitable, but you convince investors that they will be profitable in the future. Then you enter into a quiet agreement with another ice cream parlor down the street: each of you will buy hundreds of cones from the other every day. Or rather, pretend to buy — no need to go to the trouble of actually moving all those cones back and forth. The result is that you appear to be a big player in a coming business, and can sell shares at inflated prices.

Or there's the Adelphia strategy. You sign contracts with customers, and get investors to focus on the volume of contracts rather than their profitability. This time you don't engage in imaginary trades, you simply invent lots of imaginary customers. With your subscriber base growing so rapidly, analysts give you high marks, and you can sell shares at inflated prices.

Finally, there's the WorldCom strategy. Here you don't create imaginary sales; you make real costs disappear, by pretending that operating expenses — cream, sugar, chocolate syrup — are part of the purchase price of a new refrigerator. So your unprofitable business seems, on paper, to be a highly profitable business that borrows money only to finance its purchases of new equipment. And you can sell shares at inflated prices.

Oh, I almost forgot: How do you enrich yourself personally? The easiest way is to give yourself lots of stock options, so that you benefit from those inflated prices. But you can also use Enron-style special-purpose entities, Adelphia-style personal loans and so on to add to the windfall. It's good to be C.E.O.

There are a couple of ominous things about this menu of mischief. First is that each of the major business scandals to emerge so far involved a different scam. So there's no comfort in saying that few other companies could have employed the same tricks used by Enron or WorldCom — surely other companies found other tricks. Second, the scams shouldn't have been all that hard to spot. For example, WorldCom now says that 40 percent of its investment last year was bogus, that it was really operating expenses. How could the people who should have been alert to the possibility of corporate fraud — auditors, banks and government regulators — miss something that big? The answer, of course, is that they either didn't want to see it or were prevented from doing something about it.

I'm not saying that all U.S. corporations are corrupt. But it's clear that executives who want to be corrupt have faced few obstacles. Auditors weren't interested in giving a hard time to companies that gave them lots of consulting income; bank executives weren't interested in giving a hard time to companies that, as we've learned in the Enron case, let them in on some of those lucrative side deals. And elected officials, kept compliant by campaign contributions and other inducements, kept the regulators from doing their job — starving their agencies for funds, creating regulatory "black holes" in which shady practices could flourish.

(Even while loudly denouncing WorldCom, George W. Bush is trying to appoint the man who drafted the infamous "Enron exemption" — a law custom-designed to protect the company from scrutiny — to a top position with a key regulatory agency. And some congressmen seem more interested in clamping down on New York's attorney general, Eliot Spitzer, than in doing something about the corruption he has been investigating.)

Meanwhile the revelations keep coming. Six months ago, in a widely denounced column, I suggested that in the end the Enron scandal would mark a bigger turning point for America's perception of itself than Sept. 11 did. Does that sound so implausible today?
_________________________________________

Columnist Biography: Paul Krugman


Paul Krugman joined The New York Times in 1999 as a columnist on the Op-Ed Page and continues as Professor of Economics and International Affairs at Princeton University.

Krugman received his B.A. from Yale University in 1974 and his Ph.D. from MIT in 1977. He has taught at Yale, MIT and Stanford. At MIT he became the Ford International Professor of Economics.

Krugman is the author or editor of 20 books and more than 200 papers in professional journals and edited volumes. His professional reputation rests largely on work in international trade and finance; he is one of the founders of the "new trade theory," a major rethinking of the theory of international trade. In recognition of that work, in 1991 the American Economic Association awarded him its John Bates Clark medal, a prize given every two years to "that economist under forty who is adjudged to have made a significant contribution to economic knowledge." Krugman's current academic research is focused on economic and currency crises.

At the same time, Krugman has written extensively for a broader public audience. Some of his recent articles on economic issues, originally published in Foreign Affairs, Harvard Business Review, Scientific American and other journals, are reprinted in Pop Internationalism and The Accidental Theorist.

Krugman was born on February 28, 1953.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (825)6/28/2002 5:57:25 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
The Boston Globe Wants Bush To Step Up To The Plate...

Where's Bush?
By Steve Bailey
Boston Globe Columnist
6/28/2002

Ten days after the Sept. 11 attacks, with all of America watching, President Bush asked the nation to gird itself for an unprecedented war on terrorism and made a personal pledge to bring the perpetrators to justice.

That extraordinary address to Congress helped redefine his presidency and set the stage for America's response to the terrorists. The perpetrators are still at large, but the president's words and deeds were an important first step that allowed the country to begin to heal.

There is another crisis of stunning proportions unfolding before us, this one a crisis of confidence in the markets and the economy. Enron, Global Crossing, Tyco, and now WorldCom have all become household names - not, however, for the reasons that corporations routinely spend millions to make their names into brands. But Bush, the nation's CEO, has had little to say about it, in public at least.

On Wednesday, in his sharpest statement to date, Bush called the WorldCom disclosures ''outrageous'' and promised, ''We will fully investigate and hold people accountable for misleading not only shareholders but employees as well.'' Bush made his remarks at the opening day of an eight-nation economic summit, hidden away in a fancy resort in someplace called Kananaskis, Alberta, wherever that is.

That won't do. As he did to such great effect after Sept. 11, Bush needs to stand up before the nation and pledge to bring the perpetrators to justice. And this time they won't be hard to find: They are not hiding in some who-knows-where cave in Afghanistan, but living the good life in Corporate America's boardrooms.

The crisis of confidence now shaking the economy and the markets was made at the top, not at the bottom. The decisions that crushed Enron and Tyco and WorldCom were not made by the employees but by the top executives. The most important thing Bush can do right now to restore confidence in the system is to find the guilty and put them in jail. ''The risk of white-collar crime just went up,'' Bush, our chief law enforcement officer, should tell the nation.

Bush has a chance to be the Teddy Roosevelt of his time. It was 100 years ago, and Roosevelt, a Republican president, stood up to the most powerful businessmen of his generation - J.P. Morgan, John D. Rockefeller, James J. Hill - and declared that the giant financial and industrial trusts had to be stopped. Roosevelt pounded the table, drafted legislation, and directed his Justice Department to sue to break up the trusts run by men whose ambition had grown into a threat to the nation.

''He was willing to put the whole power and prestige of the White House on the line,'' says presidential scholar Douglas Brinkley of the University of New Orleans. ''It took extreme courage to do what Roosevelt did. He never cared about public opinion polls.''

Opinion polls are a part of every politician's calculus a century later, and Bush has taken a cautious approach for economic and political reasons. Some Bush advisers worry that a strong response could rattle nervous markets even more. Enron offered a minefield of problems for an administration with deep ties to the energy business.

Bush is said to have made his anger about the meltdown in business ethics known in private, including in a meetings last week with a group of top business leaders. He is said to lose his temper when he talks about the shenanigans of chief executives like Tyco's L. Dennis Kozlowski, who resigned in the wake of charges that he tried to cheat New York out of sales tax on millions in fine art. But in public, all we have gotten is sound bites.

Bush likes William McKinley, the common man's pro-business president, as a model. A better model for this extraordinary moment is Roosevelt, the Republican who followed McKinley, got tough on Big Business, and was rewarded with a landslide re-election.

Steve Bailey is a Globe columnist. He can be reached at 617-929-2902 or at bailey@globe.com.

This story ran on page E1 of the Boston Globe on 6/28/2002.

boston.com