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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (5636)9/3/2002 11:43:03 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Another September Mourn for Stocks

By Rebecca Byrne
Staff Reporter
09/03/2002 11:05 AM EDT

The major stock averages were pummeled early Tuesday as weak overseas markets, a slew of analyst downgrades and disappointing economic data gave investors an excuse to sell at the start of a traditionally bad month for stocks.


The Dow Jones Industrial Average was last down 245, or 2.83%, to 8418. The S&P 500 shed 27 points, or 3%, to 888 and the Nasdaq was off 38, or 2.96%, to 1275.

The negative tone was set early on by a sharp fall in Japan's Nikkei stock index, which lost 3.2% to 9217 -- its lowest close in nearly two decades. Other Asian and European markets also declined overnight. Stocks extended their losses after the Institute for Supply Management reported that its index of manufacturing was unchanged in August at 50.5. Economists had expected a reading of 51.8.

New orders declined to 49.7 from 50.4 in July and "are a cause for concern as we look at the balance of the year," according to Norbert J. Ore, chair of the ISM. The report also said many manufacturers were "anxious" about sales in the second half of the year.

Meanwhile, job cuts by U.S. corporations rose to a six-month high of 118,067 in August, according to Challenger Gray & Christmas.

Further weighing on sentiment were negative comments on a plethora of high-profile names. Intel (INTC:Nasdaq - news - commentary - research - analysis) slid 4% to 15.99 after Lehman Brothers analyst Dan Niles said the chipmaker is likely to cut its 2002 earnings per share estimate by a "few cents" and its 2003 estimate by as much as a nickel when it updates guidance on Thursday.

Niles believes the firm will narrow its range for third-quarter sales to between $6.4 billion and $6.7 billion from $6.3 billion to $6.9 billion. Analysts surveyed by Thomson Financial/First Call are projecting revenue of $6.61 billion.

Separately, Prudential analyst Mike Mayo cut his rating on Citigroup (C:NYSE - news - commentary - research - analysis) to sell from hold, citing concerns about Brazil, in which Citi has an $11 billion exposure, and lawsuits over Enron. Mayo believes legal damages against Citi and others could run to $50 billion.

The analyst now expects earnings in 2002 to fall about 10 cents below current estimates and said 2003 numbers could undershoot by as much as 20 cents. Mayo is ranked No. 1 among his peers for the accuracy of his stock picks, according to analyst tracker Investars.

Citi was also being pressured by an article in The Wall Street Journal, which said the office of New York Attorney General Eliot Spitzer is looking into the actions of senior Salomon Smith Barney officials who worked closely with recently departed telecom analyst Jack Grubman. The Citigroup unit has been under investigation for allegedly using positive research and shares in hot initial offerings to lure business to its investment banking side. Shares fell 5% to $30.92.

Elsewhere, Morgan Stanley cut its 2002 earnings estimate on fellow investment bank Goldman Sachs (GS:NYSE - news - commentary - research - analysis) to $4.04 from $4.15, citing weak mergers advisory revenue, equity trading and asset management.

In the auto space, Ford Motor (F:NYSE - news - commentary - research - analysis) was down 4% to $11.30 after UBS Warburg downgraded the stock to reduce from hold, and lowered the price target to $9.50 from $12.

News that IBM's acquisition of PricewaterhouseCoopers' consulting arm will result in 4,000 job cuts also added to the pessimistic tone, as did an expected bankruptcy filing by Consolidated Freightways (CFWYE:Nasdaq - news - commentary - research - analysis).

Investors are also nervous after the long holiday weekend because the market is entering a seasonally weak period. In the last half century, the Dow and S&P have seen their biggest percentage losses in September, according to the Stocks Trader's Almanac.

thestreet.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (5636)9/3/2002 12:22:00 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
War on terrorism has oily undercurrent

By SEAN GONSALVES
SYNDICATED COLUMNIST
Tuesday, September 3, 2002

While the easily led follow the morality play being acted out on television using scripted dialogue like "liberation" and "democracy," let's play a quick game of connect-the-dots and see if some kind of pattern emerges -- behind the scenes.

Even with all of the media attention on Afghanistan as we prosecute the war on terrorism, still we have only a fuzzy focus on that part of the world, and even less of a sense of our more camouflaged connections to the region.

The picture that emerges is a land teeming with wild-eyed warlords, malnourished children, abused women, mud huts and treacherous mountain terrain whose taverns and underground caves are home to minions of malevolence -- basically, a scene out of Lord of the Rings.

The Bush administration insists the war on terrorism, with Iraq as the next target, is all about fighting evil and defending innocents, and that it doesn't have anything to do with commercial interests.

Read energy industry publications and talk to industry insiders and you'll be able to mine more than a few fascinating facts that make it extremely difficult for a thinking person to believe that what's really wagging the dog is anything other than competing commercial interests.

Because business people are always on the prowl for new money-making opportunities, they tend to see untapped (profit) potential where ordinary folk see only problems. So while the media lens has most of us looking at Afghanistan as a war-torn haven of terrorists, energy companies see the country as incredibly rich in undeveloped resources.

The U.S. Department of Interior's Mineral Yearbook, the National Geographic Atlas of the World and the Statistical Abstract of the World all recognize Afghanistan and the surrounding region as an area with "large deposits of natural gas" and "huge deposits of iron ore," not to mention the significant deposits of gold, precious stones and other minerals waiting to be mined.

Back in December, The New York Times reported that "the arc of countries in Central Asia where Western oil companies work grazes Afghanistan. But the value of Afghanistan itself, if any, might be as a pipeline route."

Four years ago, UNOCAL Corp., with State Department backing, negotiated with the Taliban to build a pipeline through Afghanistan, connecting Turkmenistan with Pakistan.

Matthew J. Sagers of Cambridge Energy Research Associates offered The New York Times this gem: "Once we bomb the hell out of Afghanistan, we will have to cough up some projects there, and this pipeline is one of them."

The pipeline consortium is led by British Petroleum. Guess which law firm represents the consortium? Baker & Botts, the law firm of James A. Baker III, "a Bush family confidant and former secretary of state," to quote a business story by The New York Times.

Recall Secretary of State Colin Powell's December visit to Kazakhstan, which just so happens to contain 88 percent of Central Asia's oil wealth.

During that visit, Powell said he was "particularly impressed" with the money that American oil companies were investing there and that he estimated about $200 billion would flow into Kazakhstan over the next decade or so.

That same month, a subsidiary of Halliburton -- Vice President Dick Cheney's former company -- was awarded an open-ended Pentagon contract to take care of military logistics in the region, which includes everything from running a dining facility to handling fuel and generating power at the Khanabad Air Base in Uzbekistan.

Now, here's another dot: Wind is the fastest-growing energy industry in the world right now. Longtime energy industry reporter Matt Bivens dubbed America "the Persian Gulf of wind."

The Energy Department estimates that wind in the Dakotas alone could meet two-thirds of America's electricity needs and that Texas could meet the rest. According to the Union of Concerned Scientists, 12,000 square miles in Nevada alone could produce enough solar electricity to power the nation!

What's so attractive about wind power? Bivens points out the obvious: It's the cleanest and "the most terrorist-proof of all energy sources."

But, according to the Center for Public Integrity, the top 100 officials in the Bush White House have put the majority of their personal investments, up to $144.6 million, into the old-guard energy sector.

After meeting with Enron execs and the like, Bush's energy bill ended up including $35 billion over the next 10 years for the oil, gas, coal and nuclear industries, which amounts to about $125 per American taxpayer, according to Bivens. "By contrast, wind production tax credits have, to date, cost each American about 19 cents."

Connect the energy dots and it becomes obvious that the emotional, nationalistic rhetoric shrouding the war on terrorism obscures more than it reveals.

seattlepi.nwsource.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (5636)9/3/2002 1:10:31 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Russia tops Saudi Arabia in oil output

By Eduard Gismatullin
Financial Post
Tuesday September 3, 2002

Investment pays off

MOSCOW - Russia may have passed Saudi Arabia to become the world's top oil producer last month as Russian oil companies invest to increase output.

Russia boosted crude output to 7.76 million barrels a day in August, 9.1% higher than a year earlier, Prime-Tass reported, citing an unidentified official close to the Energy Ministry. Saudi Arabia produced 7.7 million barrels, according to an estimate from PetroLogistics Ltd., an industry consultant.

The Soviet Union was the world's top oil producer before the collapse of Communism slashed investment in the industry. The Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries has sought Moscow's co-operation in curtailing output, and increased production in Russia may persuade OPEC to relax quotas when it meets Sept. 19 in Osaka, analysts said.

"The strong rise in Russian oil production helps to explain OPEC's determination to try to co-ordinate policy with Moscow," said Steve Turner, an oil analyst at Commerzbank Securities in London.

Saudi Arabia, OPEC's top producer, is leading the call for the cartel to increase supply, analysts said. The group may raise supply by as much as 750,000 barrels next month to halt this year's rise in prices, an OPEC official said on Thursday.

Russia and four other producers joined OPEC in limiting supplies during the first half of the year to bolster prices. Moscow ended those curbs in July as OPEC maintained output restraints, risking the loss of market share to its biggest rival.

Russia's eight-month oil production rose 8.6% to 7.46 million barrels a day, Prime-Tass reported.

Representatives of Russia will attend the OPEC meeting in Osaka as observers, the Energy Ministry said last month. Ministry officials couldn't immediately be reached to confirm the figures reported by Prime-Tass.

Russia increased August oil exports to 3.26 million barrels a day, a 5.2% rise from August, 2001, the news service said.

finance.canada.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (5636)9/3/2002 2:16:45 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
A Real War on Terrorism

From: Robert Wright
Subject: Introduction: The Bush Team Fails To Get the Big Picture
Posted: Tuesday, September 3, 2002, at 8:49 AM PT

slate.msn.com

After the attacks of Sept. 11, the Bush administration depicted the war on terrorism as something that, like past wars, would have a definite ending. Secretary of State Colin Powell said we would get terrorism "by its branch and root." And President Bush's pledges of clear-cut victory weren't confined to his memorably ambitious vow to "rid the world of evil-doers." Even in less exuberant moments, he said his goal was to "rout out and destroy global terrorism." The war would be complex and multifaceted, and it might not be brief, but "its outcome is certain," Bush said. "This will not be an age of terror."

By the spring of 2002, the message had changed. Gone was the theme of certain triumph, replaced by an official sense of perpetual dread. In May, climaxing a cascade of spooky administration pronouncements, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said that anti-American terrorists would "inevitably" obtain weapons of mass destruction and use them.

Some people thought the new pessimism was tactical, a pre-emptive strike against charges that any coming terrorism had gone unforeseen. And maybe it was. But it was also acknowledgment of the truth: Wars on terrorism have very little in common with regular wars. The initial, sheerly military phase—which the Bush administration had handled capably—was just the beginning. Now, a year after 9/11, pretty much everyone realizes that we'd better have a very good, very long-run strategy.

I don't think we do. I think the Bush administration's long-run plan, to the extent that one can be discerned, is at best inadequate and at worst disastrous. So, what's my long-run plan? (Or, as a Slate reader put it via e-mail, after one of my carping columns about Bush policy, "OK, big shot ... What's the solution?") Over the next two weeks, in daily installments, I'll lay out my answer: a long-term strategy for America's war on terrorism.

My argument will come in readily attackable form. It will be organized around a series of propositions—conveniently printed in boldface—that, I claim, describe the mess we're in. Interspersed with these descriptive propositions will be policy prescriptions in italics. To refute me, all you have to do is either show that the bold-faced sentences are wrong or show that the italicized sentences don't follow from them.

Warning: Some of the propositions will be a bit cosmic, dealing with large-scale social, technological, and historical trends. I believe we're standing at a genuine threshold in history, rivaled in significance by only a few past thresholds, and that any diagnosis of our plight that doesn't include some ambitious observations about, say, the future of information technology or the history of the nation-state isn't up to the challenge.

Seven years ago, I wrote an article for the New Republic about the growing threat of terrorists using weapons of mass destruction. It would be an exaggeration to say that the piece spurred an overhaul of American policy—or even to say that it had any discernible impact, aside from briefly freaking out my wife. After Sept. 11—and the subsequent anthrax episode, and reports that al-Qaida was in the market for nukes—I thought: Well, at least now Washington will take more seriously the increasingly precarious world we live in. In a sense, Washington did. For example, Rumsfeld offered the aforementioned assurance that someday an American city would get decimated. Further, there was heightened vigilance and plans to institutionalize "homeland security." But still, virtually nobody—and certainly nobody with great influence in Washington—got what I considered to be the picture.

The picture is this: If you look back over history, you will see enduringly disastrous phases—decades if not centuries of lethal contagious disease, of ruinous war, of societal collapse, of imperial decline. Sometimes these things "just happen," but sometimes they happen because of momentous technological and social changes whose import humankind fails to reckon with. The premise of this series is that right now we're undergoing such change, and so far we're failing to reckon with it. These are dramatic times, and tomorrow I'll start with my dramatic propositions. The first one will be: Al-Qaida and radical Islam are not the problem.

________________________________________________________
Robert Wright, a visiting scholar at the University of Pennsylvania, is the author of The Moral Animal and Nonzero: The Logic of Human Destiny.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (5636)9/3/2002 3:17:44 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
HERBERT HOOVER, R.I.P.

by James Dale Davidson
dailyreckoning.com

"History repeats itself, first as a tragedy, next as a
comedy."

- George Santayana

I hope you are at least registering a few chuckles as
George W. Bush does his Herbert Hoover imitation. Each
time that Bush has followed in Hoover's footsteps and
tried to assure investors that shares were a bargain
because the economy is "fundamentally sound," the market
has sold off. The sell-off when he held forth on
valuation issues on July 22nd was particularly emphatic,
with the Dow plunging 234.68 points, the S&P 500 falling
27.90 and the NASDAQ giving up 36.50.

As I have hinted on previous occasions, I wish that Bush
would repair his focus, not because I wish him ill, but
because I wish the market well. It won't be good for
President Bush's reputation when the straggling remnant
of the once large legion of day traders conclude that
every ostensibly encouraging statement Bush makes is an
infallible sell signal.

And it won't be good for America or the world if the
enemies of markets gain greater political ascendancy in
the United States. In other words, it would be a
disaster if Bush were to stumble along any further in
Herbert Hoover's footsteps.

To see how dire a disaster could be lying in store, you
need only glance at Argentina, a once rich and promising
country that has been destroyed in the past year.
Indeed, per capita income among Argentines has plunged
by more than 70% since January of this year, a
breathtaking decline. Most of the blame goes to
Argentine politicians, but Bush and his ham-handed
Treasury Secretary, Paul O'Neill, also deserve mention
as ghostwriters of the catastrophe.

The U.S. Treasury idiotically advised Argentina to
abandon its currency board system, which automatically
made the Argentine peso worth a dollar. This was like
advising someone swaying at the top of an abyss to take
the plunge. Even worse, the Bush administration didn't
just dish out the wrong advice, they gave an ally a
shove over the edge into destitution.

Of course, Argentina has not featured prominently in the
US headlines. While we lost Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay
and probably much of the rest of South America, we did
have success in the God-forsaken reaches of Afghanistan.
I applaud that success of Bush policy, but as investors,
you and I should both temper our applause. A drawback of
the Afghan success and the whole "War on Terrorism" is
that it has helped play to and reinforce the sense of
fear that has gripped the American psyche.

Fear has its consequences. You can't keep Americans
constantly agitated about terrorism and have no follow-
up consequences. The Bush administration has foolishly
put fear on steroids. The effect has magnified far
beyond the War on Terrorism. Fear is contagious. It
smells. Animals will eat your lunch if they smell your
fear. Fear has economic and political consequences. Fear
is the emotion that sits on the teeter-totter with
greed. The balance between the two of them governs
investment markets. Fear has lately gotten fat on the
steady diet of worry over terrorism. This has tipped
over the scales and helped reduce stock valuations to
bear market depths.

I suspect that Bush and his advisers believe that trying
to keep public attention focused on the "War on
Terrorism" helps underscore popular support for Bush,
which soared with his handling of the attack on
Afghanistan. But I fear that they have made a grave
mistake. I suspect that the cause and effect are more
complicated, and possibly counter-productive for the
Republicans.

Why?

Because people in a fearful frame of mind become
negative on their own prospects, and begin to behave and
think like losers. The administration needs to
understand, as Franklin Roosevelt shrewdly did, that
"fear" is to be feared, not cultivated. When people are
in a fearful mood, they behave fearfully. They are
sellers. Sellers of stock. And, indeed, they tend to
sell themselves short, demanding succor and support from
government, a game at which the Democrats have better
credentials than Republicans.

This is why I say that Bush is stumbling along in
Herbert Hoover's footsteps. By that, I mean no
disrespect to George W. Bush, who is ill-advised and so
preoccupied with trying to unravel Osama bin Laden's
turban that he has no time to think about the important
issues facing the economy.

Nor do I intend any disrespect to the memory of Herbert
Hoover, who was an intelligent and decent man who had
the misfortune to be standing at the band stand the last
time the music stopped. Hoover did, in fact, play a part
in prolonging and deepening the Depression. But his
sins, like those Bush seems to be indulging now, were of
a different character than political enemies of either
man would willingly admit.

Bush, like Hoover, is stumbling into disaster, not
because he is an advocate of laissez faire, but because
he is implicated in closing markets, intensifying
regulation and increasing the scope of government - all
mistakes that are being repeated to much applause in
today's headlines.

After 1929, the Hoover policy of protectionism and
regulation resulted in a protracted bear market, which
took a quarter of a century to recover to 1929 levels. I
am convinced that part of the reason the economy and the
engines of innovation sputtered so badly after 1929 was
the fact that leaders compounded rather than
counteracted a general failure of nerve. With fear the
predominant emotion, everyone suddenly felt smaller,
less competent, less responsible and incapable of self-
reliance.

The demand for protection and coddling took precedence
over the celebration of opportunity and enterprise in
the hearts of men. Herbert Hoover, a reputed superman,
who faced the oncoming Depression with a far more
enlarged reputation than George W. Bush, intervened
vigorously in the free market. He attempted to regulate
prices and wages higher, through protectionism,
government price-fixing and a massive government
stimulus program, including exaggerated efforts to
stabilize the "family farm." They didn't work.

It is little remembered that Hoover vigorously expanded
government during his term beginning in 1929. In fact,
Hoover was so conspicuously a big spender that Franklin
Roosevelt gained much political currency during the 1932
elections by proposing to trim Hoover's bloated
government spending by 25% and balance the budget.
Roosevelt denounced Hoover for "the greatest spending
administration in peace times in all our history."
Roosevelt would soon outdo Hoover as an architect of
spending, but that doesn't change the fact that Hoover
pioneered the "government stimulus" approach to reviving
the economy. George W. Bush, too, has proven to be a big
spender.

The Republicans seem intent on rediscovering their
legacy as the "party of Hoover." The perceived problem
with accountancy and executives hogging the returns from
shareholders presented an opening, a missed opportunity,
to address the underlying difficulties. Namely, the
complexity and incomprehensibility of the U.S. tax laws,
and their consequences in turning stock investment from
a yield play into solely a capital gains exercise for
most investors.

But President Bush and his supporters in Congress
lavished their attentions elsewhere. They utterly failed
to grasp the issue or to inform public perceptions as to
the causes of the mismatch between the reality of
corporate finances and their representation in
accounting entries.

In fact, the whole sorry episode of earnings
misstatements represents Exhibit Number One in evidence
of the ill-effects of the monstrous U.S. Tax code,
compounded by ill-conceived securities regulations. The
double-taxation of dividends is directly implicated in
such nonsense as the Enron compensation committee voting
to dispense 75% of the company's annual profit as
bonuses for top executives.

If the shareholders had been looking for the dividends,
as well as capital gains, this would never have been
allowed to happen. But nobody on the Enron board had to
care about retaining cash to pay dividends. Equally, if
corporate accounting is screwed up, it is largely
because the tax laws are unknowable and securities
regulation is ill-conceived.

Regards,

James Davidson
for The Daily Reckoning

Editor's Note: James Davidson has enjoyed great success
founding new companies in a variety of industries. He's
a graduate of Oxford University, and a renowned author
and venture capitalist whose articles have appeared in
publications from The Wall Street Journal to USA Today.
He currently sits on the boards of over 20 thriving,
technology-driven companies. Davidson's latest research
and investment picks can be found in:

Vantage Point Investment Advisory
agora-inc.com