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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (45984)9/22/2002 1:56:24 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Politics Over Principle


By David S. Broder
Columnist
The Washington Post
Sunday, September 22, 2002

One of the most instructive parts of my schedule is the hour spent every other week or so with fellow citizens in the chats that appear on washingtonpost.com.

They are not a cross section -- these are people seriously engaged in politics and public policy -- but the shifting tone and content of their questions and comments offer important clues to the trend of opinion, at least in that influential segment of the population.

Last week's chat was, of course, dominated by the topic of Iraq, with probing questions about U.S. strategy and its chance of success. But a provocative second theme emerged: Where are the Democrats on that issue -- or, for that matter, on any other?

Here are a couple of samples. From Philadelphia: "I'm a Democrat. Considering that talk of an attack on Iraq has dominated the news, I'm really upset that Democrats have done so little to try and neutralize the Republicans on national security issues. Is there any way they can do that? Are there any prominent Democratic politicians who could give their party credibility on foreign policy or national security? Our party should not be at the mercy of the news media by hoping that domestic issues lead the news."

And here's another, from Madison, Wis.: "During the Vietnam War, antiwar forces were vocally represented by Sens. Morse, Gruening, Fulbright, McCarthy, McGovern, Robert Kennedy, etc. But we do not hear antiwar voices in the Senate today. . . . The Democrats are even less likely to voice critical views than the Republicans. . . . Whatever the merits, the restriction of the legitimate boundaries of debate does not seem to be in the interests of our democracy. What's going on?"

Good question. The party certainly has potential spokesmen, including the chairmen of the Senate Foreign Relations and Armed Services committees and veterans of the Clinton administration Cabinet and National Security Council. Several things are going on, specific to Iraq. First, Saddam Hussein has no defenders in American public life. Almost everyone would like to see him gone. Second, there's a strong feeling he has been thumbing his nose for years at the United Nations and its inspectors. Third, no alternative strategy to reduce the threat of his using weapons of mass destruction is obvious. Fourth, the president, as commander in chief of the war on terrorism, has a standing that makes almost every politician wary of challenging him.

But there is something deeper -- and less justifiable -- at work. The Democratic leaders in Congress, in both the House and Senate, largely have abandoned principle and long-term strategy for the short-term tactics they think will help them in this November's election.

Tom Daschle's desire to hold the one-vote margin in the Senate and Dick Gephardt's hope to pick up the six additional seats that would switch control of the House are driving decisions -- even on large and consequential matters.

Why challenge Bush on his strongest suit, his role as the nation's spokesman to the world, and why let any voter think Democrats are soft on Hussein? Tactically speaking, that's a no-brainer.

An even clearer case is the Democrats' rollover on taxes and the budget. On the same day that the Philadelphia Democrat said Democrats should not rely on the news media to put domestic issues to the fore, Daschle took the Senate floor to start a concerted effort to put Bush on the defensive on the country's economic performance.

The Democrats do not lack for ammunition on that front. From the losses in retirement funds to the scandals in corporate suites to the unwillingness of House Republicans even to risk a vote on the inadequately funded appropriations bill for health and education and welfare, there is plenty for Democrats to criticize.

But the single biggest economic decision Bush has made was to push through a massive tax cut -- and his insistence that its future largess to high-income families not be touched, even though budget surpluses have melted into deficits.

Daschle targeted that Republican policy in his speech, saying, "They have one economic all-purpose antidote for everything, and that is tax cuts -- tax cuts largely dedicated to those at the top." But he and Gephardt made the tactical decision early this year not to challenge those tax cuts, lest the minority of Democrats who voted for them be embarrassed and potentially weakened in their reelection bids.

The Democrats' refusal to face up to that fundamental issue leaves them without credibility for their entire critique of Bush's economic policy.

No wonder those Democrats who contacted me are upset.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (45984)9/22/2002 2:04:19 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Remember the Gulf of Tonkin

By Gar Alperovitz
Editorial
The Washington Post
Sunday, September 22, 2002

I was a young Senate legislative aide in 1964, at the time of the Gulf of Tonkin crisis. Just as the Bush administration is now looking for a "reason" to go to war, in 1964 it was clear that the Johnson administration was desperately looking for some "reason" to expand the Vietnam War. It was also clear that the Johnson leadership team was not above creating or embroidering a reason -- or at least so it seemed to many of us working in the Senate at the time.

When the reason occurred -- two alleged "unprovoked" mosquito-boat attacks on U.S. destroyers in the Gulf of Tonkin -- a national crisis atmosphere was created and a resolution was introduced for congressional approval that gave the president the authority to respond to the provocation.

It seemed obvious that there were many questions about the alleged events. The senator I worked for, Gaylord Nelson, put forward an amendment we drafted to the Gulf of Tonkin resolution. Its purpose was to restrict any response to only that which was "limited and fitting" to the actual provocation (if there actually was such a provocation).

Among other things, the amendment stated that U.S. policy should be limited to the "provision of aid, training assistance and military advice." It concluded that it was "the sense of Congress that, except when provoked to a greater response, we should continue to attempt to avoid a direct military involvement." Like the Bush administration today, the Johnson administration in 1964 did not want any restricting amendments. It was interested in creating a crisis atmosphere and a rush to judgment. To buy off opponents, it permitted the then chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Sen. J. William Fulbright, to create a legislative record that could serve as a less-than-formal interpretation of the meaning of the Gulf of Tonkin resolution -- a tactic sometimes used to persuade senators to withdraw amendments.

Fulbright, in turn, stated on the Senate floor that his understanding of the intent of the resolution was that it was to permit only a response appropriate to the alleged provocation. With such assurances, Nelson withdrew his amendment.

The Johnson administration went on to use the Gulf of Tonkin resolution to justify its massive expansion of the war in Vietnam -- even though we now know that the incidents used to ram the resolution through Congress were highly dubious: The first appeared to have been provoked (the United States fired first), and the second may never have occurred.

On many occasions later, Fulbright said that not including a formal limiting amendment to the Gulf of Tonkin resolution was one of the greatest errors of his long and distinguished career in the U.S. Senate -- if not the greatest error he ever made.

We are now faced with another administration urging another congressional resolution that will be used to authorize war. There will be many opportunities for "interpreting" alleged violations of agreements concerning disarmament inspections. And there will be many ways for the Bush administration to exaggerate, dramatize and publicize what may or may not be attempts to conceal weapons of mass destruction.

If -- when -- the time comes, what will be needed are restraint and careful investigation, not hysteria. As in 1964, many senators and members of the House are frightened that taking a stance against the administration -- or even urging prudent limiting language -- might make them politically vulnerable.

The lesson of the Gulf of Tonkin resolution is clear: There is every reason for tough and explicit limiting language that does not allow for the usual rhetorical gambits that thereafter can be used by an aggressive administration to claim support for whatever it wants to do, no matter what.
___________________________________________________________

The writer is the Lionel R. Bauman professor of political economy at the University of Maryland. He was a legislative director in both the House and Senate and a special assistant concerned with United Nations matters in the State Department.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (45984)9/22/2002 2:47:23 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 281500
 
miami.com



To: JohnM who wrote (45984)9/22/2002 3:22:53 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Byrd: U.S. Senate conscience

Editorial
The Charleston Gazette
Saturday September 21, 2002

LONG a student of the U.S. Constitution, Sen. Robert C. Byrd, D-W.Va., may be its most eloquent defender today. In his striving to prevent the Bush administration from seizing complete power, Byrd has become the foremost advocate of the checks-and-balances system between the three branches of government.

In questioning White House efforts to impose an imperial foreign policy on the planet, Byrd does as much as anyone to protect the civil rights, jobs and lives of average Americans.

West Virginians elected Byrd to Congress in 1952, to the Senate in 1958. His state, one of the nation’s poorest, saw a greater percentage of its sons die in Vietnam than any other. Now he questions Bush’s eagerness for war.

“I recall all too well the nightmare of Vietnam. I recall too well the antiwar protests and demonstrations, the campus riots, and the tragic deaths at Kent State, as well as the resignation of a president. And I remember all too well the gruesome daily body counts in Vietnam,” Byrd told the Senate in June.

Byrd praised Sens. Wayne Morse, D-Ore., and Ernst Gruening, D-Alaska — the only two who voted against the Tonkin Gulf Resolution in 1964 that expanded the war in Southeast Asia. The West Virginian said:

“Morse expressed his concern that the Pentagon and the executive branch were perpetrating a ‘snow job’ upon Congress and the American people. If the Senate approved the Tonkin Gulf Resolution, Senator Morse warned, the ‘senators who vote for it will live to regret it.’” Byrd himself was one of those senators.

“For all of their blustering about how al-Qaida is determined to strike at our freedoms, this administration shows little appreciation for the constitutional doctrines and processes that have preserved those freedoms for more than two centuries,” Byrd said.

In his two-volume history of the Senate, Byrd called it the “anchor of the Republic, the morning and evening star in the American constitutional constellation.” That’s a bit bombastic — but the senator is correct in contending that U.S. policies mustn’t be decreed by the president alone, but must be subject to approval by the people’s elected representatives in Congress.

“As we learned all too well in Korea, Vietnam and Somalia, it is dangerous to present Congress and the American people with a fait accompli on important matters of foreign affairs,” he said.

Warning of a “blank check for military operations that are yet to be determined,” Byrd insists that Americans should know what happens in the Philippines, in Colombia, in Afghanistan, in Iraq, in Palestine.

Byrd also opposes threats to the jobs and rights of Americans at home. For example, he argues, the North American Free Trade Agreement hurt both companies and workers by eliminating hundreds of thousands of high-paying U.S. jobs in steel, agriculture, clothing and shoemaking.

In May, Byrd urged senators to reject “fast-track authority” allowing the president “carte blanche to determine what will be contained in a series of trade agreements.” Byrd lost, 66 to 30.

Byrd also opposes Bush’s threat to veto any Homeland Security bill guaranteeing “civil service protections, collective bargaining rights and other provisions that safeguard federal workers’ rights.” The new department will employ 170,000.

“I have not seen such executive arrogance and secrecy since the Nixon administration, and we all know what happened to that group,” Byrd said.

Regarding Iraq, Byrd leaves no doubt he would like to see dictator Saddam Hussein gone. “He has promoted the starvation of Iraqi children so that he and his cabal can live in palaces. Saddam Hussein is a scourge on the people of Iraq and a menace to peace.” But, “as the Constitution demands, it is the role of Congress to declare war. When the president is ready to present his case to Congress, I am ready to listen. But I am tired of trying to connect dots in the dark,” Byrd said.

Last week, Byrd told the Senate:

“We stand today in the swirl of unanswered questions about this administration’s intent with regard to an unprovoked, pre-emptive attack against the sovereign nation of Iraq, the reasons for which have not yet been explained to Congress or the American people. Perhaps the White House has the answers to the questions that people are asking about why we may soon send our sons and daughters to fight, and perhaps die, in the sands of the Middle East. But thus far, we have encountered only a wall of secrecy at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue — a wall built on the pillars of executive privilege.”

We’re proud that the West Virginia senator has become a champion of checks and balances in government. No president — especially one who lost the popular vote and was handed the office by his party’s Supreme Court justices — should rule alone, without other views. Crucial decisions must never be made solely in White House basement rooms.

There are times when one man’s voice helps change history. Let’s hope this is one of those times. Robert C. Byrd is the conscience of the Senate.

wvgazette.com

__________________________________________________________________

Bush's war plans are a cover-up, Byrd says

By Paul J. Nyden
STAFF WRITER
The Charleston Gazette
Saturday September 21, 2002


Sen. Robert C. Byrd, D-W.Va., said President Bush’s plans to invade Iraq are a conscious effort to distract public attention from growing problems at home.

“This administration, all of a sudden, wants to go to war with Iraq,” Byrd said. “The [political] polls are dropping, the domestic situation has problems.... So all of a sudden we have this war talk, war fervor, the bugles of war, drums of war, clouds of war.

“Don’t tell me that things suddenly went wrong. Back in August, the president had no plans.... Then all of a sudden this country is going to war,” Byrd told the Senate on Friday.

“Are politicians talking about the domestic situation, the stock market, weaknesses in the economy, jobs that are being lost, housing problems? No.”

Byrd warned of another Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. Passed on Aug. 7, 1964, that resolution handed President Lyndon Johnson broad powers to escalate the war in Vietnam, a conflict that cost 58,202 American lives and millions of Asian lives.

“Congress will be putting itself on the sidelines,” Byrd told the Senate. “Nothing would please this president more than having such a blank check handed to him.”

Byrd said his belief in the Constitution will prevent him from voting for Bush’s war resolution. “But I am finding that the Constitution is irrelevant to people of this administration.”

Sens. Bill Nelson, D-Fla., and Hillary Clinton, D-N.Y., both praised Byrd after he spoke.

“It is the height of patriotism to ask such hard questions,” Clinton said. “No one exemplifies that more than the senior senator from West Virginia.”

Byrd said, “Before the nation is committed to war, before we send our sons and daughters to battle in faraway lands, there are critical questions that must be asked. To date, the answers from the administration have been less than satisfying.”

Byrd repeatedly said Bush has failed to give members of Congress any evidence about any immediate danger from Iraq. Byrd also criticized his speech to the United Nations.

“Instead of offering compelling evidence that the Iraqi regime had taken steps to advance its weapons program, the president offered the U.N. more of a warning than an appeal for support.

“Instead of using the forum of the U.N. General Assembly to offer evidence and proof of his claims, the president basically told the nations of the world that you are either with me, or against me,” Byrd said.

“We must not be hell-bent on an invasion until we have exhausted every other possible option to assess and eliminate Iraq’s supposed weapons of mass destruction program. We must not act alone. We must have the support of the world.”

Byrd said Congress needs solid evidence and answers to several specific questions, including:

*Does Saddam Hussein pose an imminent threat to the U.S.?
*Should the United States act alone?
*What would be the repercussions in the Middle East and around the globe?
*How many civilians would die in Iraq?
*How many American forces would be involved?
*How do we afford this war?
*Will the U.S. respond with nuclear weapons if Saddam Hussein uses chemical or biological weapons against U.S. soldiers?
*Does the U.S. have enough military and intelligence resources to fight wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, while mobilizing resources to prevent attacks on our own shores?
*Byrd said the proposed resolution Bush sent Congress on Thursday would be the “broadest possible grant of war powers to any president in the history of our Republic. The resolution is a direct insult and an affront to the powers given to Congress.”

Byrd also criticized Bush’s request for power to carry out “pre-emptive attacks” and send troops to Iraq, Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, the West Bank and anywhere else in the Middle East.

“I cannot believe the gall and the arrogance of the White House in requesting such a broad grant of war powers,” Byrd said. “This is the worst kind of election-year politics.”

wvgazette.com



To: JohnM who wrote (45984)9/22/2002 5:19:48 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Bush and the words of war
______________________________________________________

By James O. Goldsborough
Columnist
The San Diego Union-Tribune
September 19, 2002

The Bush administration needs to be reminded that overkill is ineffective in democracies. It may work under governments that lack open debate and independent means of analysis, but in democracies it can be ludicrous.

The Bush administration's language since Saddam Hussein accepted the return of U.N. weapons inspectors to Iraq has been intemperate, as though he had done the opposite.

This is after all, good news, insufficient, but good. To hear President Bush and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld describe it, however, things are worse than before. "Bogus, phony, ploy, deception," was Bush's reaction to Saddam's action, while Rumsfeld's remarks to Congress are best described as hallucinatory.

For Rumsfeld, Saddam is Hitler and arms inspections are Munich. Not quite satisfied, he threw in another Pearl Harbor if Saddam is not removed (Rumsfeld likes Pearl Harbor analogies and last year suggested America would face a "space Pearl Harbor" if we did not deploy weapons in space). He used so many metaphors with Congress I lost count. One I remember is that we shouldn't be "waiting for a smoking gun to become a mushroom cloud."

The causes of the Bush chagrin are clear, but first let's address their argument that "the goal is not arms inspections but Iraqi disarmament."

That is exactly right, but for Bush to present arms inspection, which is a means to disarmament, as an alternative to it is deceptive. All arms agreements are based on inspections, and getting U.N. inspectors into Iraq without restrictions is the necessary means of enforcing the U.N. arms resolutions Iraq accepted in 1991.

Bush's reaction to Saddam's capitulation is understandable. The Bush goal of "regime change" is different from anything in the U.N. resolutions, and he needs to up the ante if he wants to bring the American people and other nations along. Rumsfeld's speech-writers think Hitler, Pearl Harbor and mushroom clouds are the way to go, but I think they are wrong.

For Bush, Iraq's action changes nothing. The brains of this administration, starting with Dick Cheney, the redoubtable vice president, and Rumsfeld, who has been Cheney's alter ego for 30 years, gets its energy from two groups with powerful Washington influence. Neither group is likely to be placated by sending U.N. inspectors back to Baghdad.

One group is the neoconservatives, whose overriding interest is Israel. The other group is the unilateralists, whose main interest is steering clear of multilateral agreements and knocking nations that defy U.S. policy or challenge U.S. supremacy.

The neoconservatives, represented in and around the Pentagon by people like Paul Wolfowitz, Douglas Feith and Richard Perle and supported by a host of influential East Coast, neo-con publications, are those who persuaded Bush to "park" the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and go after Iraq first.

Their argument, strongly supported by Israeli politicians and which will be unchanged by U.N. inspections, is that with Saddam out of the game, Arab states will be weakened, and Israel will have an easier time imposing its will on the Palestinians.

Far more likely, I believe, is that a U.S. attack on Iraq would weaken moderate Arab regimes and revitalize terrorist cells everywhere.

There was near-total Arab condemnation of the Sept. 11 attacks, which were seen as barbaric and unjustified.

A unilateral U.S. attack on Iraq would be viewed the same way. Consider the number of Iraqi civilians likely to be killed in an attack, which is one reason President Bush I, according to Colin Powell, declined to invade Baghdad a decade ago.

The unilateralist tendency is represented ideologically by Cheney and Rumsfeld and inside the White House by convert Condoleezza Rice. These are the people who persuaded Bush, who was new to foreign policy, to pull back from the United Nations, abrogate old treaties, refuse to sign new ones and take up arms against an "axis of evil" that challenged America.

In one year, Bush's polices have eroded much of the good will America received after Sept. 11. The "we are all Americans today" sentiment that echoed around the world has been replaced by denunciations of U.S. unilateralism and adventurism, of a nation that does not respect friends, alliances, treaties or institutions.

The Bush mantra of "pre-emptive" war, which the unilateralists try to present as an extension of traditional U.S. foreign policy, is actually a radical change. Pre-emptive war means open season on anyone you don't like, and Bush has made clear there are a lot of people out there he doesn't like.

The civilians in the Pentagon are gung-ho for war with Iraq, but what of the military? Officers still in uniform must stay silent, but we get the flavor from those who are not.

"It might be interesting to note that all the generals see this (Iraq) the same way, and all those that never fired a shot in anger are really hell-bent to go to war," says Anthony Zinni, a retired Marine Corps general who has been the Bush administration's special envoy to the Middle East.

The U.S. military, those who would actually fight the war, aren't so keen as the civilians. I wonder why.
_______________________________________________________________________

James O. Goldsborough is foreign affairs columnist for The San Diego Union-Tribune and a member of the newspaper's editorial board, specializing in international issues.

Goldsborough spent 15 years in Europe as a correspondent for the New York Herald Tribune, the International Herald Tribune and Newsweek Magazine. He is a former Edward R. Murrow Fellow at the Council on Foreign relations and a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment.


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