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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Raymond Duray who wrote (7038)9/22/2002 1:57:01 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Politics Over Principle

By David S. Broder
Columnist
The Washington Post
Sunday, September 22, 2002

One of the most instructive parts of my schedule is the hour spent every other week or so with fellow citizens in the chats that appear on washingtonpost.com.

They are not a cross section -- these are people seriously engaged in politics and public policy -- but the shifting tone and content of their questions and comments offer important clues to the trend of opinion, at least in that influential segment of the population.

Last week's chat was, of course, dominated by the topic of Iraq, with probing questions about U.S. strategy and its chance of success. But a provocative second theme emerged: Where are the Democrats on that issue -- or, for that matter, on any other?

Here are a couple of samples. From Philadelphia: "I'm a Democrat. Considering that talk of an attack on Iraq has dominated the news, I'm really upset that Democrats have done so little to try and neutralize the Republicans on national security issues. Is there any way they can do that? Are there any prominent Democratic politicians who could give their party credibility on foreign policy or national security? Our party should not be at the mercy of the news media by hoping that domestic issues lead the news."

And here's another, from Madison, Wis.: "During the Vietnam War, antiwar forces were vocally represented by Sens. Morse, Gruening, Fulbright, McCarthy, McGovern, Robert Kennedy, etc. But we do not hear antiwar voices in the Senate today. . . . The Democrats are even less likely to voice critical views than the Republicans. . . . Whatever the merits, the restriction of the legitimate boundaries of debate does not seem to be in the interests of our democracy. What's going on?"

Good question. The party certainly has potential spokesmen, including the chairmen of the Senate Foreign Relations and Armed Services committees and veterans of the Clinton administration Cabinet and National Security Council. Several things are going on, specific to Iraq. First, Saddam Hussein has no defenders in American public life. Almost everyone would like to see him gone. Second, there's a strong feeling he has been thumbing his nose for years at the United Nations and its inspectors. Third, no alternative strategy to reduce the threat of his using weapons of mass destruction is obvious. Fourth, the president, as commander in chief of the war on terrorism, has a standing that makes almost every politician wary of challenging him.

But there is something deeper -- and less justifiable -- at work. The Democratic leaders in Congress, in both the House and Senate, largely have abandoned principle and long-term strategy for the short-term tactics they think will help them in this November's election.

Tom Daschle's desire to hold the one-vote margin in the Senate and Dick Gephardt's hope to pick up the six additional seats that would switch control of the House are driving decisions -- even on large and consequential matters.

Why challenge Bush on his strongest suit, his role as the nation's spokesman to the world, and why let any voter think Democrats are soft on Hussein? Tactically speaking, that's a no-brainer.

An even clearer case is the Democrats' rollover on taxes and the budget. On the same day that the Philadelphia Democrat said Democrats should not rely on the news media to put domestic issues to the fore, Daschle took the Senate floor to start a concerted effort to put Bush on the defensive on the country's economic performance.

The Democrats do not lack for ammunition on that front. From the losses in retirement funds to the scandals in corporate suites to the unwillingness of House Republicans even to risk a vote on the inadequately funded appropriations bill for health and education and welfare, there is plenty for Democrats to criticize.

But the single biggest economic decision Bush has made was to push through a massive tax cut -- and his insistence that its future largess to high-income families not be touched, even though budget surpluses have melted into deficits.

Daschle targeted that Republican policy in his speech, saying, "They have one economic all-purpose antidote for everything, and that is tax cuts -- tax cuts largely dedicated to those at the top." But he and Gephardt made the tactical decision early this year not to challenge those tax cuts, lest the minority of Democrats who voted for them be embarrassed and potentially weakened in their reelection bids.

The Democrats' refusal to face up to that fundamental issue leaves them without credibility for their entire critique of Bush's economic policy.

No wonder those Democrats who contacted me are upset.

© 2002 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (7038)9/22/2002 2:24:09 AM
From: jjkirk  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 89467
 
<font color=red>BAGHDAD JANE - - Ritter of Arabia</font>

Traitor? What about your new hero, BAGDAD JANE? What is he?

BAGHDAD JANE - - Ritter of Arabia

How did a tough Marine become an apologist for Saddam Hussein?

BY STEPHEN F. HAYES
Saturday, September 21, 2002 12:01 a.m. EDT
WSJ.com

On the eve of the Gulf War, a young Marine named Scott Ritter wanted to quit. But
when President George H.W. Bush began dispatching troops to the Persian Gulf, Mr.
Ritter changed his mind. "I can't leave the Marine Corps when my country's getting ready
to go to war," he said later. "That's a dishonorable thing to do."

Today, as a second President Bush prepares the country for war in the same land, Scott
Ritter is seemingly doing PR for Saddam Hussein, appearing anywhere he can get an
audience to dispute the contention that Saddam is a threat to the world. Mr. Ritter
shows up on National Public Radio, "The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer," CBS, ABC, NBC and
each of the all-news cable networks. Prominent newspapers--the Boston Globe,
Newsday, the Baltimore Sun, the Chicago Tribune, the Los Angeles Times--have
published his rants. He is quoted approvingly by members of Congress and world leaders.
Indeed, Scott Ritter has probably become the leading opponent of intervention in Iraq.

But he wasn't always a dove.

Mr. Ritter worked in intelligence at Central Command during the Gulf War, and shortly
thereafter joined UNSCOM, the U.N. team assigned to rid Iraq of its weapons of mass
destruction. In his seven years in that role, Mr. Ritter earned a reputation as a tough,
some would say belligerent, inspector. The Iraqis hated him, and complained each time
UNSCOM sent the American "cowboy" inspector. To the extent that U.N. inspectors were
able to partially disarm Saddam, Mr. Ritter deserves much of the credit.

But by 1998, Iraqi obstruction of inspectors reached absurd levels. Mr. Ritter ripped the
Clinton administration for its fear of confronting Saddam, whom he described as a "real
and meaningful threat." He resigned his post in very public protest.

In congressional testimony that September, Mr. Ritter declared that Iraq was "winning its
bid to retain its prohibited weapons," and cautioned about the future. "Once effective
inspection regimes have been terminated," he testified, "Iraq will be able to reconstitute
the entirety of its former nuclear, chemical, and ballistic missile delivery system
capabilities within a period of six months." The inspections ended in December. That
month, Mr. Ritter amplified his earlier warnings in an article in The New Republic:

"Even today, Iraq is not nearly disarmed," he declared. "Based on highly credible
intelligence, UNSCOM suspects that Iraq still has biological agents like anthrax, botulinum
toxin, and clostridium perfringens in sufficient quantity to fill several dozen bombs and
ballistic missile warheads, as well as the means to continue manufacturing these deadly
agents. Iraq probably retains several tons of the highly toxic VX substance, as well as
sarin nerve gas and mustard gas. These agents are stored in artillery shells, bombs, and
ballistic missile warheads. And Iraq retains significant dual-use industrial infrastructure
that can be used to rapidly reconstitute large-scale chemical weapons production."

Then, at precisely the time Saddam was to have reconstituted his arsenal according to
Mr. Ritter's projection, the former inspector flipped. "Iraq today possesses no meaningful
weapons of mass destruction capability," Mr. Ritter declared. "Iraq represents a threat to
no one."

What explains Scott Ritter's change of heart? Only he knows, of course. But as his views
have changed, he's taken money from a source who has led many to question his
objectivity.

Over the past two years, Mr. Ritter has taken $400,000 from Shakir Al-Khafaji, an
Iraqi-American businessman with ties to Saddam, to produce a documentary called, "In
Shifting Sands." Mr. Ritter concedes that Mr. Al-Khafaji is "openly sympathetic with the
regime in Baghdad." And that may be an understatement. Mr. Al-Khafaji runs propaganda
sessions for Saddam. Euphemistically known as "expatriate conferences," the biannual
gatherings decry the "terrorism and genocide" the U.S. commits against the Iraqi people
through U.N. sanctions.

Mr. Ritter claims Mr. Al-Khafaji had no editorial input on the film project, a claim he
undermines by openly admitting that his benefactor is responsible for arranging Mr.
Ritter's interviews with high-ranking Iraqi government officials, including chief
propagandist, Tariq Aziz. Even before his project was completed, Mr. Ritter predicted at
a press conference that "the U.S. will definitely not like this film." These contacts no
doubt helped Mr. Ritter earlier this month, when he returned to Baghdad and became the
first American to speak before the Iraqi National Assembly.

"There are those who wish Iraq harm regardless of the circumstances or costs, and many
of these currently reside in the government of the United States," he told the Iraqis. "We
must find a way to overcome the politics of fear and those who practice it. The best
way to do this is to embrace the truth. In regards to the current situation between Iraq
and the United States, the truth is on the side of Iraq."

Mr. Ritter's arguments lately have deteriorated, from discrepant to disturbing. On Dec. 7,
in a speech delivered at the Center for Policy Analysis on Palestine in Washington, Mr.
Ritter suggested that Saddam would be justified in working with al Qaeda to blow up a
U.S. government building.

Here is Mr. Ritter's take on the Prague meetings between an Iraqi spy and Mohamed
Atta, as transcribed by the Center: "What it appears transpired was that the Iraqi
intelligence officer spoke with Mohamed Atta at length about an attack, but it was an
attack on a radio transmission tower of Radio Free Europe in Prague, Czechoslovakia. If
you're the Iraqi government and you're looking at the Iraqi National Congress (the
prominent opposition group), they are a legitimate enemy. Indeed, you could make the
case that the Radio Free Europe transmission tower, under international law, is a
legitimate target."

At times, Mr. Ritter seems confused about what, exactly, he should be saying. In one
sentence he'll declare Iraq "fundamentally disarmed," and in the same interview argue
that Saddam would be a fool to get rid of his weapons of mass destruction because his
neighbors won't get rid of theirs.

Nothing will keep Mr. Ritter from sharing his views on the possibility of Saddam's nuclear
arsenal. In an interview from Baghdad, Mr. Ritter was asked about a New York Times
exposé on the Iraqi government's procurement of aluminum pipes. These pipes, say
weapons experts, are precisely those needed to manufacture nuclear weapons. No one,
of course, other than Iraq insiders can be sure that those pipes would be used for that
purpose.

But Scott Ritter confidently says he knows that they will not. "Thousands of aluminum
pipes, and we're going to go to war over thousands of aluminum pipes? This is patently
ridiculous. These are aluminum pipes coming in for civilian use. They are not being
transferred to a covert nuclear processing plant or any covert nuclear activity
whatsoever."

With such assurances, who needs inspectors?

Mr. Hayes is a staff writer for The Weekly Standard.

commentators.com