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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: GST who wrote (52777)10/18/2002 3:34:56 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
General Zinni's speech to The Middle East Institute:

mideasti.org



To: GST who wrote (52777)10/18/2002 10:12:36 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Byrd's Broadside: Shared Hypocrisy On Iraq

By John Nichols
The Nation
October 7, 2002

alternet.org

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Even though he is unlikely to succeed in preventing a Congressional grant of blank-check warmaking powers to the Bush administration, Senator Robert Byrd, D-West Virginia, has done America the service of clarifying the issue at hand. Thanks to Byrd's fierce denunciations of an unnecessary resolution to promote an unnecessary war, members of Congress who side with the administration will not be able to plead ignorance to the charge that they abandoned their Constitutionally-mandated responsibilities in order to position themselves for the fall election.

Rarely in the history of the Senate has a member so bluntly identified the hypocrisy of the White House on a question of warmaking. But there was no partisan malice in Byrd's remarks. In a remarkable speech delivered as the Senate opened its debate on Bush's request for broad authority to use military force against Iraq, Byrd chastised his fellow Democrats for engaging in equally contemptible acts.

"The newly bellicose mood that permeates this White House is unfortunate, all the moreso because it is clearly motivated by campaign politics. Republicans are already running attack ads against Democrats on Iraq. Democrats favor fast approval of a resolution so they can change the subject to domestic economic problems," declared the senior Democratic senator.

With fury entirely appropriate to the moment, Byrd roared: "We are rushing into war without fully discussing why, without thoroughly considering the consequences, or without making any attempt to explore what steps we might take to avert conflict. The resolution before us today is not only a product of haste; it is also a product of presidential hubris. This resolution is breathtaking in its scope. It redefines the nature of defense, and reinterprets the Constitution to suit the will of the Executive Branch. It would give the President blanket authority to launch a unilateral preemptive attack on a sovereign nation that is perceived to be a threat to the United States. This is an unprecedented and unfounded interpretation of the President's authority under the Constitution, not to mention the fact that it stands the charter of the United Nations on its head."

Typically, Byrd was strongest when he asked today's politicians to square their actions against the historical imperatives and insights that he, above all other members of Congress, recognizes and understands. In a speech that began with reference to the Roman historian Titus Livius and closed with a detailed re-creation of the Senate debate that preceded the 1991 Persian Gulf War, Byrd summoned the words of an Illinois congressman who in the 1840s chastised a proponent of expanded presidential warmaking powers:

"Representative Abraham Lincoln, in a letter to William H. Herndon, stated: 'Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation whenever he shall deem it necessary to repel an invasion, and you allow him to do so whenever he may choose to say he deems it necessary for such purpose -- and you allow him to make war at pleasure... The provision of the Constitution giving the war-making power to Congress, was dictated, as I understand it, by the following reasons: Kings had always been involving and impoverishing their people in wars, pretending generally, if not always, that the good of the people was the object. This, our Convention understood to be the most oppressive of all Kingly oppressions; and they resolved to frame the Constitution so that no one man should hold the power of bringing this oppression upon us. But your view destroys the whole matter, and places our President where kings have always stood.'"

The West Virginian asked the Senate: "If he could speak to us today, what would Lincoln say of the Bush doctrine concerning preemptive strikes?" No doubt, Lincoln would join millions of Americans in telling senators to listen to the wisdom of Robert Byrd.

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To: GST who wrote (52777)10/23/2002 9:16:43 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Bush, Harken and Harvard

By Matt Bivens
The Nation
10/22/2002 @ 12:31am

Harken Energy Corp., the oil company behind much of George W. Bush's wealth, blew briefly back into the news this summer as the president was lecturing Wall Street about good corporate conduct.

Those sermons provided an excuse to revisit the 12-year-old tale of how Bush cashed out $849,000 in Harken stock a couple of months before it announced a major loss and the share price tanked (as a company director, a member of the audit committee and a $120,000-a-year Harken consultant, Bush must have known of Harken's woes). Bush said he sold the stock not to jump ship, but because he needed cash to close a deal to buy the Texas Rangers baseball team.

These days, Bush is no longer lecturing on corporate citizenship, and the summer of Enron and Harken has segued into the autumn of Iraq.

But, now comes a new report that alleges Bush and other Harken insiders papered over their oil company's problems with money from, of all places, Harvard University.

That America's leading university had invested in Harken was no secret. Less widely known was its role in setting up an off-book partnership to help hide Harken's money problems -- and ultimately to assume them entirely.

First a few words about Harvard. With an endowment of $18 billion, the university is the wealthiest non-profit in the world this side of the Catholic Church. The school's seven-person board is self-perpetuating - it selects its own members -- and is beholden to no one, in an arrangement dating back to Harvard's Charter of 1650. Harvard's board, sitting on tax-free billions, refuses to meet with members of the university community, does not explain its decision-making process, does not allow appeals of its decisions, and does not release meeting times, places, agendas or notes.

Students and alumni who find this an unacceptable level of unaccountability have organized HarvardWatch , a group that follows the Harvard money. It's no easy task: the endowment's activities are opaque, and the money sprinkled around the world by some of finance's savviest minds - men whose multi-million-dollar compensation dwarfs that of the university's leading scholars. Now HarvardWatch brings us the story of Harvard's odd fascination with Bush Jr.'s oil patch.

In 1986, within a month of Bush joining Harken, the Harvard Management Corporation - which invests the university's endowment - spent $30 million to buy about a third of Harken's stock. This unusually aggressive investment has never been secret, but neither has the reasoning behind it ever been laid out for the public-- though the Wall Street Journal reports that "the person with the most influence over the endowment for decades has been Robert Stone Jr., an oil man on Harvard Management's board whom former Harvard executives described as the driving force behind its energy investments." Stone had been a financial and political supporter of the first President Bush.

In 1990 - as the nation focused on a looming Iraq crisis -- Harken's creditors were calling in loans, and Harken's board was told the company was on the verge of collapse. Enter, again, Harvard. It and another unnamed major shareholder loaned the oil company $46 million that May. It's not clear how many of those millions came from Harvard; nor is it clear why the endowment was dabbling in the dubious business of extending emergency bailouts to ailing companies it owned stock in.

By December, Harvard had gone still further: Acting on a motion made by Harken board-member Bush, the university's money-managers and the oil company co-founded the Harken Anadarko Partnership (or HAP).

Harken put in some mostly dry or disappointing oil wells, many of them in Oklahoma's Anadarko basin, which it valued at $26.1 million; and it also put in debts totaling $20 million, in return for a net contribution of $6 million. (And that's assuming dry wells in Oklahoma could be worth so much: William Black, a visiting scholar at Santa Clara University's Markkula Center for Applied Ethics, suggested $26.1 million was a wild over-estimation.)

Against Harken's contribution of (at most) $6.1 million, Harvard contributed $64.5 million of its own energy properties. Having contributed 91 percent of HAP's assets, Harvard then accepted an 84 percent stake. A mistake?

"Nah. This is math. You put up 91 percent of the money and get 84 percent of the company? I didn't go to Harvard, but I doubt they're that incompetent," says Black -- who was a top banking regulator in the Reagan and first Bush administrations, and an investigator of the failed savings & loan that was made notorious by the "Keating Five," five Senators who tried to protect it from federal scrutiny.

Thanks to Harvard's odd generosity, Harken's debts were gone - transferred to HAP. Over the next three years, Harvard would contribute money for HAP's operating expenses; Harken was kicking in IOUs, which HarvardWatch says the university eventually forgave.

Moreover: Harvard had brought cash and good properties, Harken dry wells and debt - yet their formal partnership paid Harken fees for management and drilling and servicing wells of more than $3 million in that first year.

With its debts and interest payments transformed, and money coming in from Harvard/ HAP, Harken had turned itself around on paper . (This tactic of hiding problems in "partnerships" also worked for Enron - for a while). Investors bid up the stock, and Harken insiders, including Bush, cashed out.

Off-book, HAP continued to lose money. Harvard's response was to buy out Harken's share - paying a few last millions more for a dog of a company, to a partner who had largely been a drag on it. Once Harken was out of HAP, and no longer collecting its fees, Harken's earnings and stock price fell again. By 1993 it was headed toward its current status as a penny stock.

That same year, Harvard also got out of HAP - selling it to the Cabot Oil & Gas Corporation, a spin-off of the Cabot family conglomerate. (More old school ties: Walter Cabot headed the Harvard Management Company from its 1974 founding to 1991.) In exchange for the HAP properties, Harvard took Cabot Oil & Gas stock worth $34.6 million.

So, Harvard had spent $30 million on stock; extended unspecified additional multi-million-dollar emergency loans; put another $64.5 million into an oddly uneven partnership that assumed Harken's debts, shrugged at its IOUs, and paid millions more in various fees - and then cashed out for a mere $34.6 million plus a few million more realized from selling off depressed Harken stock. This is not how the Harvard endowment reached $18 billion.

HarvardWatch is calling on Harvey Pitt, the Bush-selected SEC chairman, to re-open the investigation on the Bush-Harken era. Pitt has been evasive, while Harvard and the White House offer curt statements to the effect that all was done properly.

But really, how does this story square with the fiduciary responsibility of those paid handsomely to manage Harvard's money?

More importantly, how does it square with George Bush's expressed sympathy for people who lost their savings to unscrupulous accounting schemes? Does he have any apologies for those who believed Harken was a good company because the president's son worked there - people who invested in Harken and then lost their shirts?

thenation.com