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To: elpolvo who wrote (10444)12/14/2002 2:05:43 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Dell Says It's Ready For Industry Rebound

Friday December 13, 10:34 am ET
By Patrick Seitz
URL:http://biz.yahoo.com/ibd/021213/tech1_1.html

During the tech spending downturn of the last two years, Dell Computer Corp. (NasdaqNM:DELL - News) has diligently prepared itself for the eventual recovery.

The computer maker has grabbed market share from others and forged new alliances. Executives believe that undercutting rivals with Dell's direct, build-to-order sales model will pay off in big gains when the economy revs up again.

Dell has added 16,000 new business customers in North and South America alone during the last two years, says Joseph Marengi, president of Dell's Americas business.

"Those are other companies' customers. They're now Dell customers," Marengi said. Dell's strategy has been to acquire new customers, keep them satisfied and sell them more.

"That's what this whole thing is about - expand your base, treat them well, get 'em loyal. Then you've got other people to sell to when the recovery comes," Marengi said.

Dell is poised to sprint past the competition when spending returns, analysts say.

"They've positioned themselves incredibly well," said Brooks Gray, an analyst with consultant Technology Business Research.

Dell has gained market share in personal computers, servers and storage systems during the downturn. Dell also has fattened its profit margins over the last two quarters.

In addition to expanding its customer base, Dell has shown that it can get a larger portion of a customer's tech spending once it's in the door, Gray says.

Because Dell has its operational costs under control, it has the luxury of looking beyond its core business of PCs and low-end servers, he says. It's entered adjacent businesses, including network switches, printers and handheld computers.

The challenges for Dell will be to manage its growing customer base and keep satisfaction high, Gray says.

More New Customers

In Dell's largest accounts, the portion of revenue coming from new customers has increased more than 50% from a year ago, Dell President Kevin Rollins told analysts during the company's third-quarter conference call Nov. 14. At the same time, Dell has increased its revenue from existing corporate accounts by almost 20%.

Dell attributes $5 billion in revenue to market share gains during the last seven quarters.

Dell's worldwide PC market share was 15.8% in the third quarter based on unit shipments, according to market researcher International Data Corp. It was 11% at the end of 2000. Dell is now the No. 1 maker of PCs.

Dell is the No. 2 maker worldwide of standard Intel-based servers behind Hewlett-Packard Co. But Dell's server market share has grown from 15.9% at the end of 2000 to 21.8% last quarter.

Large customers are key to Dell's future growth. The Round Rock, Texas, company has been preaching the benefits of industry standards and using partners to win sales from corporations, government agencies and colleges. Recent customer wins include Bombay Co., Cox Communications Inc., Creative Artists Agency and Long & Foster Real Estate Inc.

Two high-profile Dell partners are data storage gear maker EMC Corp. and services heavyweight Electronic Data Systems Corp.

EDS sees its relationship with Dell as synergistic. The two companies are generating business for each other that they wouldn't have gotten separately, says Jeff Gilliam, president of global strategic alliances for EDS.

Alliance Could Grow

The alliance has "the potential to go much further," Gilliam said. EDS and Dell are starting to think more strategically about their relationship. The two are looking to bring in other companies to participate in their alliance, he says.

"It's been a good partnership," analyst Gray said. "EDS needs volume. Dell needs credibility at the service level. It's a very complementary relationship."

The two have been particularly successful in winning business from companies that want to outsource management of their PCs, he says.

Dell has booked more than $1 billion in revenue for its Dell Managed Services this year, Marengi says. For a monthly fee, Dell provides desktop and notebook computers for customers, and maintains them as well. HP and IBM Corp. offer similar services.

Dell and EDS are interested in creating standard offerings of hardware and services that can be repeated from one customer to the next. Dell provides the hardware and basic maintenance services, and EDS provides higher-end services, such as system integration.

Dell is interested in computer installations that can be replicated because they're cheaper and can show quantifiable returns on investment for customers, Marengi says.

That's where industry standards come in. Dell and its partners are pushing servers with Intel Corp. processors running Microsoft Corp.'s Windows or open-source Linux operating systems.

Dell's message is that Intel servers can perform just as well in most cases as pricey proprietary servers from companies like Sun Microsystems Inc.

Marengi cites the increasing number of Dell installations running Oracle Corp. database software and SAP AG business software. In the old days, those applications ran mainly on proprietary servers.

Dell hardware is running 22,000 Oracle installations and 3,000 SAP installations, he says.

"Those numbers are not small numbers anymore," Marengi said. "At the end of the day, customers are speaking for themselves."

Although Dell is increasing its service offerings, it doesn't want to create a large services business for its own sake. It's interested in using services to help sell hardware, Marengi says. Still, Dell will probably do between $3.5 billion and $4 billion in service revenue this year.

The growth over the past two years has defied expectations, Marengi says.

"We've done things in the last two years that shouldn't have been done in this economic environment," he said.



To: elpolvo who wrote (10444)12/14/2002 2:34:22 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Cheney's Cover Up

Nixon Redux
by JASON LEOPOLD
CounterPunch
December 12, 2002

counterpunch.org

The dismissal of the General Accounting Office lawsuit against Vice President Dick Cheney is just another example of the veil of secrecy that permeates within the Bush administration and is a grim reminder of the dark days of former President Richard Nixon, who openly defied Congress during the investigation into Watergate.

The suit was filed to try and force Cheney to disclose the names of energy industry lobbyists he met with prior to drafting the nation's National Energy Policy.

But despite the ruling in favor of the White House by District Court Judge John Bates, this energy policy is dead. Any attempt to resurrect the policy in Congress next year "will be met with numerous Democratic amendments, especially on drilling in the Alaskan National Wildlife Refuge. Some of those amendments will fail, some will prevail," said John Hess, an aide to Senator Barbara Boxer, D-California.

The Cheney policy, in its present form "is nothing more than a report with a series of recommendations. Some of these have been included in the energy bills that were considered by the House and Senate this past Congress. But, since nothing passed, the bills are dead and have to reintroduced next year," said Chris Lu, another Boxer aide.

However, there is still the thorny issue pertaining to disclosure and the GAO said it might appeal the ruling. On its face, what the GAO requested from Cheney in its lawsuit filed in January is limited information about the energy task force, specifically, what process was used in developing the National Energy Policy, where did the task force get the information and from whom. That's it. Contrary to what has been reported in the media earlier this year thanks to the spin job by Cheney and his staff, the GAO was not interested in gaining access to the task force's minutes or notes.

The GAO's unprecedented lawsuit against Cheney was prompted when the Vice President rebuffed Congressman Henry Waxman, D-California, and the ranking member on the Committee on Government Reform, and John Dingell, D-Michigan, who asked Cheney for the same information in May 2001.

At the time, the California energy crisis was at its peak and many of the policies contained in the report seemed to benefit energy companies such as Enron (which had not yet imploded in a wave of accounting scandals) that contributed heavily to President Bush's campaign. However, the policy made only scant references to California's energy crisis, which Enron was accused of igniting, and did not indicate what should be done to provide the state some relief.

Cheney said the policy focused on long-term solutions to the country's energy needs, such as opening up drilling in the Alaskan National Wildlife Reserve and freeing up transmission lines. That's why California was ignored in the report. But then news reports surfaced that former Enron Chief Executive Ken Lay met with Cheney several times between January and April 2001, just days before the policy was unveiled. What's more, in January, the San Francisco Chronicle reported that Lay gave Cheney a memo outlining eight policy recommendations that would clearly benefit Enron. Of the eight, seven were included in the policy.

One can only assume that other players in the energy industry also met with Cheney and received the same kind of special treatment that was written into the National Energy Policy. Cheney has refused to identify those individuals not because it would undermine the administration's ability to get advice from people but because it would greatly embarrass the President.

John Dean, former counsel to President Richard Nixon, wrote in a column on the web site FindLaw in February "not since Richard Nixon stiffed the Congress during Watergate has a White House so openly, and arrogantly, defied Congress's investigative authority. Nor has any activity by the Bush Administration more strongly suggested they are hiding the incriminating information about their relationship with the now-moribund Enron, or other heavy-hitting campaign contributors from the energy business. Cheney says he is refusing to provide information to the Congress as a matter of principle. He told the Today Show that he wants to "protect the ability of the president and the vice president to get unvarnished advice from any source we want." That sounds all too familiar to me. I worked for Richard Nixon."

Dean added, "If the Vice President's position should prevail, it will change the very nature of our government's system of checks and balances. If GAO is held to be as restricted as Cheney would have it, such a ruling will create a black hole in the Federal firmament - a no man's land where only the President and Vice President can go, unobserved by their Constitutional co-equals on Capitol Hill," Dean wrote. "The Vice President can only win if we have another Bush vs. Gore-like ruling."

Congressman Waxman agreed with Dean's prediction Monday saying, "The decision is another Bush v. Gore. It is a convoluted decision by a Republican judge that gives Bush and Cheney near total immunity from scrutiny. In Bush v. Gore, five Republican justices gave the election to George Bush and Dick Cheney. Today, another Republican judge has decided that, once in office, Bush and Cheney can operate in complete secrecy with no oversight by Congress."

Nixon would be proud.

Jason Leopold can be reached at: jasonleopold@hotmail.com



To: elpolvo who wrote (10444)12/15/2002 4:56:56 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
A First Step to Cutting Reliance on Oil

By TOM REDBURN
The New York Times
December 15, 2002

WHICH events of recent days are likely to have the most significant long-term impact on American business and the economy?

To my mind, it was not the Bush administration's new team of economic policy makers, who dominated the headlines last week. Nor the efforts to clean up Wall Street. And not the buildup of troops to fight a war in Iraq, either.

No, my money is on the barely noticed introduction by Honda and Toyota of a handful of experimental fuel cell vehicles to be tested by the State of California.

The possibility of running cars on fuel cells has been heavily promoted in business circles in recent years, and for good reason. Imagine a global economy no longer dependent on oil and the internal combustion engine. Fuel cells, because they produce energy from pure hydrogen rather than from petroleum, emit only water and heat as waste, potentially generating power without burning fossil fuels.

By making it possible to shift from petroleum to other primary energy sources, fuel cells could ease the threat of global warming without taking away the freedom and mobility that Americans and Europeans take for granted — and the rest of the world is determined to get for itself. China and India, with more than one-third of the world's population, could sustain rapid growth for decades without choking the sky with pollutants and climate-damaging carbon dioxide.

But this vision of a truly sustainable economic future is far from inevitable. The technological challenges to building a commercially successful fuel cell vehicle are overwhelming. And who would supply them? Recasting the entire petroleum-based infrastructure to produce and deliver hydrogen safely to hundreds of millions of such vehicles presents a classic chicken-and-egg problem of immense proportions.

Every major automaker and oil company has a hydrogen or fuel cell research effort under way; supporters say they recognize that fossil fuels can't last forever. Environmentalists carp that industry is simply trying to preserve the status quo and avoid more immediate steps to improve the fuel efficiency of conventional automobiles.

In a generally positive article on the efforts of General Motors to reinvent the automobile, Wired magazine noted that Rick Wagoner, G.M.'s chief executive, likes to call the fuel cell car "the holy grail," but that the description "may be a truer assessment than he intends." After all, as David Redstone, editor of Hydrogen & Fuel Cell Investor, a newsletter, told the magazine: "The holy grail is something you spend your entire life looking for. The whole point is that you never find it."

No one knows for sure whether a hydrogen economy is a possible dream.

"The oil companies and automakers are not doing this because they want to kill it," said Steven Taub, an expert on alternative fuels at Cambridge Energy Research Associates in Cambridge, Mass. "But they are not doing this because they know it's the future, either. They're doing it because they don't know whether or not it's the future."

It's worth the risk to find out.

Bolstered by modest support from the government and a new commitment from the Bush administration, American automakers and other companies are already investing in fuel cell research. But an effort to put tens, if not hundreds of thousands, of vehicles on the road within a decade, which many analysts regard as feasible, would require a substantial commitment from Washington to help jump-start the market and support the investment in a supply infrastructure.

THIS shouldn't mean giving up on less ambitious efforts, as both the White House and the auto industry have done in abandoning the research program to build a very fuel-efficient car using existing technology. If nothing else, as an insurance policy to avoid being usurped again by Japanese automakers, Detroit should also be investing more in fuel-efficient hybrid electric-gasoline vehicles like the Toyota Prius.

True, big federal programs like the Interstate System of highways, the development of the Internet and the creation of the semiconductor chip (which grew out of the space program) have gone out of fashion. But even in an era in which markets have rightly assumed a much greater role in allocating resources, government commitment is needed to set ambitious goals in crucial areas.

And when the nation is preparing to spend at least $100 billion to liberate Iraq from Saddam Hussein and much more to maintain stability in the Persian Gulf, nothing is more crucial than investing a fraction of that sum to help liberate the world economy from its addiction to Middle East oil.

nytimes.com