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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (62863)12/23/2002 2:37:12 AM
From: Nadine Carroll  Respond to of 281500
 
From Ha'aretz:

Mofaz: U.S. will keep up pressure on Iraq

By Gideon Alon

The United States is determined not to relax its pressure on Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein, Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz told the cabinet yesterday on the basis on his impressions from a visit to Washington last week.

However, he added, his impression was that the U.S. will first exhaust the process of international weapons inspections of Iraq before embarking on military steps.

Mofaz said that during his talks with senior American administration officials, the question of an Israeli reprisal in the event of an Iraqi missile attack on Israel did come up. He said he told the Americans that, as a sovereign state, Israel reserves the right to defend its citizens, but would exercise this right with caution.

Turning to the possibility of a missile attack, Mofaz said that Israel's state of readiness in the event of hostilities was "very good, much better in fact than at any time in the past."

haaretzdaily.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (62863)12/23/2002 3:07:42 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (4) | Respond to of 281500
 
Here is "Wolfies" version of what the Pentagon thinks. I guess he got tired of being misrepresented in the Media. Of course, those who dislike and "Badmouth" him will not believe him anyway.

washingtonpost.com
United on the Risks of a War With Iraq

By Paul Wolfowitz

Monday, December 23, 2002; Page A19

A Dec. 18 front-page article "Projection on Fall of Hussein Disputed" attempted to describe a split that simply does not exist between the senior civilian and military leadership over planning for potential war in Iraq. The Post's reporter attributed variously to me, to the "Wolfowitz School" and to the "Wolfowitz view" the contention that Saddam Hussein's government "will fall almost immediately upon being attacked."

That has never been my view, nor is it the view of the senior civilian leadership in the Department of Defense. The Post's reporter had access to those facts, but The Post's readers, including influential people here, in Baghdad and around the world, also are entitled to them.

Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Gen. Tommy Franks have been pushing others hard to think through all the implications of the possible use of force, to think carefully about all the ways in which things can go wrong. That is the only prudent way to plan.

The day before the story appeared, Rumsfeld was asked in a press conference about the assumption that "Iraqi forces might fold quickly." He said that is "not the way to look at this situation. First of all, any war is a dangerous thing, and it puts people's lives at risk. And second, I think that it is very difficult to have good knowledge as to exactly how Iraqi forces will behave." (Those who are interested in seeing all of these views at greater length are invited to visit www.defenselink.mil.)

President Bush has not made any decision about the use of force to achieve the goal of disarmament of Iraq's arsenal of terror. We still are trying to achieve that goal by peaceful means precisely because we understand the risks involved in any use of force.

Saddam Hussein has demonstrated an unparalleled ruthlessness, unpredictability and willingness to sacrifice his military and his people for the sake of his own survival. He has shown no compunction about using weapons of mass terror in the past, either against his own people or Muslim neighbors. He has shown a willingness to use sacred Muslim religious sites to hide his weapons, thereby committing sacrilege. And he has no conscience or mercy when it comes to the weakest and most innocent members of society -- the children of Iraq. For these reasons, we in the Department of Defense -- at all levels, military and civilian -- have been thinking carefully for months about all the ways in which things can go wrong, because that is the only prudent way to plan.

It is also true that it would not be responsible to plan only for the worst case. Things could break in a more favorable direction, and we need to be prepared for that too so that we do not proceed on assumptions that lead to unnecessary American or Iraqi deaths. But the best way to handle that is to be prepared for the worst things that could happen -- which I and other administration officials have been emphasizing repeatedly.

Every significant aspect of the military planning has been the subject of intense discussion among Rumsfeld, Franks, Gen. Richard B. Myers and the president. They have no differences concerning the size or nature of the military forces required, should it become necessary to disarm Iraq by force. Nor do they have any false sense that anyone can predict the course of events. It has never been so.

One concern that is much greater than it was during the Persian Gulf War 11 years ago is the danger that Saddam Hussein might actually use his most terrible weapons. This serious threat leads us to conclude that this regime is too dangerous to leave indefinitely in possession of those weapons of mass terror while it acquires even more.

War is brutal, risky and unpredictable; anyone who does not understand that should not be involved in military planning. On the wall of my office I hung a painting depicting the Civil War battlefield of Antietam on the day after what was the bloodiest single day in U.S. history. It is a reminder of what it means for Americans to risk their lives in combat for their country.

The president needs no reminder about what a terrible thing war is. He has had to comfort the widows of brave men killed in Afghanistan, and he knows what it would be like to comfort widows if there were a war in Iraq. But he also has comforted the families who lost loved ones in the World Trade Center and at the Pentagon. He can imagine what it would be like to face the survivors of a catastrophic terrorist attack on the United States with chemical or biological or even nuclear weapons.

No course open to the United States is free of risk. The question is how to weigh the risks of action against the risks of inaction and to be fully aware of both.

One risk that is often exaggerated is the risk of what might happen in Iraq after the removal of the Saddam Hussein regime. It is hard to believe that the liberation of the talented people of one of the most important Arab countries in the world from the grip of one of the world's worst tyrants will not be an opportunity for Americans and Arabs and other people of goodwill to begin to move forward on the task that the president has described as "building a just and peaceful world beyond the war on terror."

The writer is deputy secretary of defense.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (62863)12/23/2002 10:17:12 AM
From: Dennis O'Bell  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
The article you posted never said "reunification", it said "detente", quite a different animal.

I had to double check the article as posted because I was certain it contained the word reunification.

South Korea Longs for Reunification With the North By JAMES BROOKE

I think this excerpt however is significant :

In early December, hundreds of thousands of people turned out for the largest anti-American demonstrations in South Korea's history. The trigger for the protests was the acquittal of two United States Army sergeants, who were tried in a military tribunal on charges of negligent homicide after their armored personnel carrier ran over and killed two teenage girls.

There was an enormous outcry in France a few years back when an ambassador to one of the African countries that France is quite lenient and friendly with ran over and killed a couple small children while speeding. He was not under the influence of any drugs or alcohol at the time, and of course enjoyed full diplomatic immunity...

As far as I know nothing ever came of it in the end, and it's still business as usual, but at the time it was a golden opportunity for people to vent any and all racist or other sentiments normally kept well hidden.

I don't have links on hand to what I've read in the past about the legitimate fear South Korea has of any sudden taking down of their "Berlin Wall", but the expense and social disruption given the lessons learned from Germany are making anyone with any sense in South Korea want to move very slowly and deliberately on genuine reunification.

In the end Pyongyang will fall and they will be reunited, but in the end we're all dead too, it could be a long wait - with lots of palm greasing and mind games as you point out along the way.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (62863)12/23/2002 1:08:33 PM
From: Karen Lawrence  Respond to of 281500
 
I had to double check the article as posted because I was certain it contained the word reunification.

"You're right, I read it too fast."
Thank you, Nadine. :)