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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: david who wrote (63063)12/25/2002 5:22:21 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
I mentioned a while back that I thought the Canadian Secret Service types were working closely with our FBI, in spite of the Canadian Politicians. This article in the WP indicates that they are. I hope we are as good as this article says.

washingtonpost.com

'Sleeper Cell' Contacts Are Revealed By Canada

By Dana Priest and DeNeen L. Brown
Washington Post Staff Writers
Wednesday, December 25, 2002; Page A01

Al Qaeda "sleeper cells" in Canada and the United States have communicated with each other as recently as this month, probably to plan terrorist attacks in the United States, Canadian intelligence experts said yesterday. The disclosure came in the wake of the arrest last week of a pizza delivery man in Ottawa who is suspected of being associated with the terrorist network of Osama bin Laden.

Canadian authorities decided to arrest Mohamed Harkat, 34, shortly after he made calls to suspected al Qaeda members in the United States, said Reid Morden, former director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, who has been in contact with the Canadian spy agency on the matter. Morden confirmed comments made earlier by Canadian officials speaking on condition of anonymity.

Canada's normally secretive spy agency alleged in a rare court filing that Harkat, 34, who was born in Algeria and has lived in Canada since 1995, is an associate of Abu Zubaida, one of Osama bin Laden's close associates. Zubaida, who was arrested in Pakistan in March and is in U.S. custody at an undisclosed location, identified Harkat to his interrogators, according to Canadian intelligence officials.

The Harkat case is the most recent example of a historically close intelligence relationship between the two countries that has become unprecedented in its intensity as Canada and the United States work to thwart a global terrorist network adept at crossing national borders.

It was not clear precisely what triggered the arrest of Harkat. The nature of the phone calls to the United States with other al Qaeda members is also not known. But Canadian officials believe Harkat is a "sleeper" agent of al Qaeda. Sleepers, according to the court report filed by the spy agency, "are established in foreign countries for extended periods of time, up to several years, prior to a given operation being executed. Preceding the operation, they may live as regular citizens, leading unremarkable lives, and avoiding attention from local authorities."

The report said that al Qaeda members living in Canada fought alongside Arab Islamic militants in Afghanistan, Bosnia and Chechnya and trained in al Qaeda camps. Monitoring and arresting members of sleeper cells in the United States is the FBI's top priority. FBI Director Robert S. Mueller III has said the bureau has tripled the number of investigations and quadrupled the number of wiretaps against suspected al Qaeda supporters since Sept. 11, 2001. While critics say the FBI does not have a good grasp of the dominant cells in the United States, the bureau counters by pointing to cells it says it has broken up through arrests in Detroit; Lackawanna, N.Y.; Seattle; Portland, Ore., and elsewhere.

While the focus of U.S. military and CIA operations has been in such far-off countries as Afghanistan, Yemen and Indonesia, neutralizing the potential terrorist threat in Canada remains a top priority, said U.S. government officials. With that in mind, the CIA has increased the number of case officers in Canada by an undisclosed number. The FBI has also increased its presence at the U.S. Embassy in Ottawa and elsewhere.

According to Canadian officials, the CIA and FBI have swamped Canadian intelligence and law enforcement authorities with requests to conduct surveillance and investigations into suspected terrorists on Canadian soil. Both U.S. agencies believe the threats are directed at the United States.

The Canadians "don't have the personnel to cope with the material that the CIA and intelligence community is processing in the United States," said Wesley Wark, an intelligence expert and professor at the Munk Centre for International Studies at the University of Toronto. "There is a great deal more flowing in the form of intelligence from the south to the north. People are not complaining about it," they are saying "we need more resources in the intelligence sector."

Canada has responded, in part, with a 30 percent increase in its intelligence budget, an unparalleled campaign to hire new intelligence officers, and judicial changes aimed at streamlining the arrest and deportation of suspected terrorists.

Canada and the United States last week signed an agreement giving U.S. police instant access to Canadian criminal records, and vice versa. The two countries have also agreed to substantially increase joint immigration and inspection activities along the 4,000-mile U.S.-Canadian border, and to substantially increase electronic surveillance there as well.

In the most aggressive and unusual case to date, Canada agreed to hand over to U.S. authorities without judicial proceedings a Canadian arrested this year in Oman, a top Canadian intelligence official confirmed. Mohammed Mansour Jabarah, a native of Kuwait, is accused of organizing a plot to blow up the U.S. and Israeli embassies in Singapore. He is being held in a secret location in the United States, where he is cooperating and revealing information about terrorists' plans, U.S. officials said. Publicly, Canada has said that Jabarah voluntarily agreed to go to the United States for questions.

In an equally unusual move, Canadian intelligence officers this year testified in an American court case against members of a suspected Hezbollah cell operating in Canada but who were arrested in North Carolina.

In a Nov. 7 speech, Ward Elcock, director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, Canada's domestic spy agency, said it was investigating 50 suspected terrorist organizations and "300 individual targets."

The first tip-off of the magnitude of Canada's terrorist problem came with the arrest in December 1999 of Ahmed Ressam, who was caught crossing the U.S.-Canada border as part a plot to bomb the Los Angeles International Airport during the millennium celebrations.

Other reminders that Canada might be playing an unwitting role as a safe haven for terrorists have come with arrests around the world of suspected terrorists carrying Canadian passports.

Last Thursday in Lahore, Pakistan, the FBI and Pakistani police arrested two Americans and a Canadian, Usman Khawaja, for their suspected link to al Qaeda.

According to the Canadian intelligence agency report, filed Dec. 10 in federal court in Canada, Harkat is from Taguine, Algeria. He was living in Ottawa, where he was married and working as a gas station attendant and a pizza delivery man when he was arrested.

The report alleges that Harkat came to Canada on Oct. 6, 1995, arriving in Toronto from Malaysia via the United Kingdom. He was using a fake Saudi passport. (The Canadian agency says that Saudi passports were "the document of choice for Islamic extremists wishing to enter Canada. Before 2002, Saudi passport holders did not require a visa to come to Canada.")

Harkat told Canadian officials that he was fleeing persecution by the Algerian government and was granted refugee status on Feb. 24, 1997. He applied for permanent residence on March 18, 1997, but the application was not completed because there were security and criminal checks to be done, according to the report.

Officials say that in Harkat's claim for refugee status, he acknowledged that he supported and was a member of the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS) in Algeria. That group was outlawed by Algeria in 1993.

Harkat fled Algeria in April 1990 and traveled to Saudi Arabia on a visitor visa, then on to Pakistan, where he remained until September 1995.

The Canadian agency says that Harkat also claimed loyalty to the Armed Islamic Group, which seeks to establish an Islamic state in Algeria "through the use of terrorist violence" and wants "to eliminate Western influences from the country."

Officials here say that Harkat's allegiance to the group is "an indication of support for the use of terrorist violence."



To: david who wrote (63063)12/27/2002 5:28:18 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
David, here is the "Nations" version of what is going on in your country. I find it interesting that a Magazine as Left as they are is not coming out strongly for your present leader.

Venezuela on the Brink

by STEVE ELLNER

[from the January 13, 2003 issue]

Caracas

As the general strike against President Hugo Chávez entered its third week in early December, a major TV channel broadcast statements by baseball hero Andres Galarraga and other celebrities calling on Venezuelans to put aside differences for the sake of peace. What was significant about the TV spots was that the channel, along with the rest of the Venezuelan media, has played a key role in promoting the strike as well as marches and acts of civil disobedience sponsored by the opposition. Galarraga's plea--made beside a statue of the Virgin Mary--reflects the conviction among the nation's 50 percent who are neither pro-government nor pro-opposition that Venezuela is on the brink of civil war.

Chávez counts on active support among popular sectors, specifically those lacking steady employment and labor benefits of any kind, who make up more than half the work force. He also counts on a more loyal armed forces than this past April, when a group of officers removed him from office for forty-eight hours. On the other hand, his radical rhetoric favoring the poor over the "privileged" has alienated the middle class, despite his recent efforts to create his own movement called "the positive middle class." The middle- and upper-class eastern part of Caracas has solidly supported the strike and its mobilizations.

While the success of the strike call has been at best mixed in commerce, public education, public transportation and the steel and aluminum industries, a large majority of administrative employees and executives of the all-important state petroleum company PDVSA (the fourth-largest US oil supplier and owner of Citgo) responded positively, as did many in charge of fuel transportation. When delays in gasoline distribution produced three-hour lines at the pumps on December 18, the government decreed that private trucks carrying fuel and food could be taken over and run for the duration of the conflict. Carlos Fernández, president of the main business organization Fedecámaras, called the measure a "violation of property rights." A point of honor of the pro-Chávez movement is 100 percent state ownership of PDVSA, incorporated into the nation's new Constitution in 1999.

The opposition's militancy dates back not to 1998, when Chávez was elected president, but to 2001, when he radicalized his government by prioritizing economic and social reform. In November of that year he passed agrarian reform and legislation prohibiting private control of joint ventures for oil exploitation. Fedecámaras reacted by calling a one-day general strike. The business organization was joined by the main labor federation, the Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (CTV), whose leadership Chávez refused to recognize on the grounds that it had held fraudulent internal elections. Since then the CTV and Fedecámaras have called three more general strikes, including the one in April that led to the abortive military coup.

One unique feature of the general strike that began on December 2 is the absence of any demand other than the removal of President Chávez, either by resignation or immediate elections. All rhetoric is reduced to one simple message: Chávez must go. Recently, CTV president Carlos Ortega began calling Chávez "the dictator." Every evening Ortega and Fernández sit next to each other and read a statement summing up the day's strike activity, which is broadcast live on the nation's four major TV channels. This prolonged cozy relationship between labor and management, in which all demands are subordinated to the government's ouster, is also a rarity for Latin America, if not the world.

Chávez has offered to hold a recall election in August, in accordance with the 1999 Constitution. But opposition leaders are unwilling to wait, claiming that by August, Chávez will have further consolidated his control of the armed forces by favoring his military loyalists with promotions. According to government supporters, the real reason is that the opposition wants Chávez out by January 1, the date of Lula's presidential inauguration in Brazil, which, along with the recent election of leftist Lucio Gutiérrez in Ecuador, fortifies Chávez's position. Both Lula and Chávez place antineoliberalism at the top of their agenda rather than promoting such radical visions as socialism, an approach now shared by many leftists throughout the continent. The two favor a government that plays a strong role in the economy in favor of economic development and social justice rather than bowing out to the private sector.

These explanations are just part of the story. A more decisive factor is the built-in vulnerability of the opposition. A political opposition based exclusively on attacking the head of state without presenting demands, proposals or alternatives tends to lose steam over time. The political parties of the opposition were discredited by the rampant corruption and economic contraction of the twenty years before Chávez's election. Now the media, Fedecámaras and the CTV have displaced them as key actors, a role that is unnatural and discredits them as time goes on. The CTV's alliance with the business sector is widely criticized even by those opposed to Chávez.

The US and Spanish governments were practically alone in welcoming the April coup against Chávez. While Spanish Prime Minister José Maria Aznar continues to support the Venezuelan opposition in its call for immediate elections, Washington has in recent months maintained an officially neutral position, despite the National Endowment for Democracy's generous funding of opposition groups over the past several years. Thus the United States now defers to the Organization of American States, whose secretary general, César Gaviria, has brought both sides to the table in an attempt to work out a solution to the impasse. Only by Washington's adherence to this position, and its avoidance of its earlier, misguided endorsement of antidemocratic forces, can Gaviria's commendable efforts be given a chance.
thenation.com