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Politics : Foreign Policy Discussion Thread -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: E. T. who wrote (2905)1/28/2003 12:39:53 PM
From: lorne  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15987
 
No Leader
France’s Chirac is all about personal interest.
January 27, 2003

know Jacques Chirac, and let me tell you, he's no Charles De Gaulle. He wants to be De Gaulle, and he's tall enough to play the part, and in fact that's the way he comes off: A tall guy trying to play De Gaulle. But it doesn't work, because he's a small, selfish, pedestrian guy trying to play a world-historical figure.

Tony Blankley wrote a great column the other day about De Gaulle, in which he quoted the great man as saying that France was forever associated in his mind with greatness ("la gloire," I think De Gaulle said, and maybe "glory" or "grandeur" comes closer than greatness), and that if France wasn't associated with greatness it had failed to live up to its destiny. That kind of language suggests grand, independent undertakings, but part of De Gaulle's gloire was his utter reliability as an ally. General Vernon Walters was sent to Paris during the Cuban Missile Crisis to enlist French support for Kennedy's blockade against the Soviets (and remember that De Gaulle had worked very hard, to our very great annoyance, to insert himself as an independent interlocutor between us and the Soviets). Walters brought to Paris the U-2 photographs of the Cuban missile bases, and he offered to show them to De Gaulle. The French president waved him away.

"I do not need your photographs, Walters," he said, "This is serious, and when the United States asks France for her support on a serious matter, she will give it. Just tell me what you want France to do."

That's what grandeur and great leadership are all about: The willingness to subsume personal interest for the common good. That's Machiavelli, chapter three, or thereabouts.

Chirac, on the other hand, is all about personal interest. His own, not that of La France. It's what he's always been about. The streets of Paris — of which he was long the mayor — are littered with the embittered bodies of his former associates, all abandoned by Chirac at the first scent of scandal. Indeed, the man who for years was Chirac's most loyal aide, both in the prime minister's office and then in the Parisian town hall, was instantly jettisoned when he was accused of handling payola for the mayor. This guy was so brave that he told the judges he would not consider answering their questions until and unless he were indicted for something, and then he would defend himself. But he would not serve up Chirac for their personal delight. And still Chirac never expressed a word of gratitude, even when a succession of French courts found the loyal aide innocent in investigation after investigation.

A man capable of betraying his closest associates is quite capable of abandoning his closest ally when it suits him, and our diplomats should not be surprised at recent developments. De Gaulle flirted with the Soviets when the Soviet Union was a superpower — but he knew he was a member of the Atlantic Alliance, and he knew that, without the United States, La France could not survive on its own. Chirac flirts with the Arabs, and has forgotten, or has chosen to deny to himself, that the United States is indispensable to the success of Europe. De Gaulle's France did lots of business with the Soviet Union, but agreed to restrict high-tech exports to weaken the Kremlin's military power. Chirac's France does lots of business with Iraq, and bridles at any suggestion of limitation. Chirac's country, and by all accounts Chirac's political party as well, take in a lot of money from oil and gas contracts, as well as from military and dual-use exports to Saddam, and he's not about to give it up simply because the Western world is threatened by terrorism.

Moreover, Chirac is appeasing French Muslims, and encouraging the other Europeans to do the same. He has recently blessed the creation of a sort of Muslim political organization in France — Europe has not yet learned the vital importance of the clean separation between church and state — which will greatly amplify the sound of the Muslim voice in France. He has embraced the Palestinian cause and speaks contemptuously of Israel in words far more terrible than those used by De Gaulle during the Six-Day War.

Why would our diplomats have expected anything helpful from Chirac, when it is still not clear that we are going to war? I have no doubt that he will join in the war when it becomes certain — to do otherwise would risk the loss of billions of euros at the hands of the government of free Iraq, which will certainly take note of those who abstain from the country's liberation.

But not before. If Secretary of State Powell — reportedly furious with the arrogance and unhelpfulness of the French foreign minister — wants to get action out of Jacques Chirac, there is only one way. He has to tell this midget successor of a towering giant: "Listen, buddy. We're going in. If you're not with us — as of now — we'll cut you out. Your choice."
nationalreview.com



To: E. T. who wrote (2905)1/28/2003 12:41:52 PM
From: lorne  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 15987
 
Why Europe Balks
by Daniel Pipes
New York Post
January 28, 2003
Leading French politicians made some remarkably defeatist pronouncements last week.

Rejecting any U.S. military action against Iraq, President Jacques Chirac said that "War is always the admission of defeat, and is always the worst of solutions. And hence everything must be done to avoid it." Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin put it more emphatically: "Nothing justifies envisaging military action." To all this, the German chancellor beamed with approval.

In response, U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld dismissed France and Germany as "old Europe." The Post blasted them as the "Axis of Weasel." Cartoonist Tony Auth dubbed them the "Axis of Annoyance."

An even better name would be "Axis of Appeasement." "Appeasement" may sound like an insult, but it is a serious policy with a long history - and an enduring appeal highly relevant to today's circumstances.

Yale historian Paul Kennedy defines appeasement as a way of settling quarrels "by admitting and satisfying grievances through rational negotiation and compromise, thereby avoiding the resort to an armed conflict which would be expensive, bloody and possibly very dangerous."

The British Empire relied heavily on appeasement from the 1860s on, with good results - avoiding costly colonial conflicts while preserving the international status quo. To a lesser extent, other European governments also adopted the policy.

Then came 1914, when in a fit of delirium nearly all Europe abandoned appeasement and rushed into World War I with what Yale historian Peter Gay calls "a fervor bordering on a religious experience." A century had passed since the continent had experienced the miseries of war, and their memory had vanished. Worse, thinkers such as the German Friedrich Nietzsche developed theories glorifying war.

Four years (1914-18) of hell, especially in the trenches of northern France, then prompted immense guilt about the jubilation of 1914. A new consensus emerged: Never again would Europeans rush into war.

Appeasement looked better than ever. And so, as Adolf Hitler threatened in the 1930s, British and French leaders tried to buy him off. Of course, what worked in colonial wars had utterly disastrous results when dealing with an enemy like the Nazis.

This led to the policy of buying off totalitarian opponents being discredited. Throughout the Cold War, it appeared the Europeans had learned a lesson they would never forget. But forget they did, soon after the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991.

In a brilliant Weekly Standard essay, Yale's David Gelernter recently explained how this happened. The power of appeasement was temporarily hidden by World War II and the Cold War, but with the passage of time, "The effects of the Second World War are vanishing while the effects of the First endure."

Why? Because, writes Gelernter, the First World War is far more comprehensible than the Second, which is "too big for the mind to grasp." Politically and spiritually, it feels increasingly as though World War II never took place.

In fact, Gelernter argues, "It's the 1920s all over again," with that era's visceral loathing of war and readiness to appease totalitarian dictators (think of North Korea, Iraq, Syria, Zimbabwe and others).

He finds today's Europe "amazingly" similar to that of the 1920s in other ways too: "its love of self-determination and loathing of imperialism and war, its liberal Germany, shrunken Russia and map of Europe crammed with small states, with America's indifference to Europe and Europe's disdain for America, with Europe's casual, endemic anti-Semitism, her politically, financially and masochistically rewarding fascination with Muslim states who despise her and her undertone of self-hatred and guilt."

Gelernter proposes that 1920s-style self-hatred is now "a dominant force in Europe." And appeasement fits this mood perfectly, having grown over the decades into a worldview "that teaches the blood-guilt of Western man, the moral bankruptcy of the West and the outrageousness of Western civilization's attempting to impose its values on anyone else."

Which brings us back to the unwillingness of "old Europe" to confront Saddam Hussein. World War II's lesson (strike before an aggressive tyrant builds his power) has lost out to the '20s attitude ("nothing justifies envisaging military action").

This self-hating weakness will lead again to disaster, no less than it did leading up to World War II. The United States finds itself having to lead the democracies away from the lure of appeasement. Iraq is a good place to start.
danielpipes.org



To: E. T. who wrote (2905)1/28/2003 12:56:03 PM
From: zonder  Read Replies (4) | Respond to of 15987
 
most European leaders were mighty slow to get involved to stop the genocide the serbs were perpetrating

That is true. It was a shame and they should be ashamed letting a genocide take place in their midst.

Same now with Saddam, short on backbone, long on whining.

Not so sure about the validity of this comparison. There are larger issues at work here than a dictator oppressing his people - such as respect for the sovereignty of a country, a possible return to imperialist policies, respect for international bodies like the UN who are trusted with such decisions rather than single countries no matter what their superpower status, etc.

If the question was just Saddam being a dictator and hurting his people, than we would see something done about that guy, the dictator in Pakistan with the bad hair piece. Instead, he is buddies with Bush...