To: stockman_scott who wrote (73231 ) 2/12/2003 2:08:15 AM From: Karen Lawrence Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500 Avoiding a Humanitarian Catastrophe in Iraq Joel R. Charny Refugees International - USA Regions: Iraq February 5, 2003 Contact: Joel R. Charny ri@refugeesinternational.org or 202.828.0110 Avoiding a Humanitarian Catastrophe in Iraq With war increasingly likely no later than the middle of March, the preparations for the humanitarian consequences of the war in Iraq are woefully inadequate. Lack of funding, United Nations and U.S. legal restrictions on the operations of humanitarian agencies in Iraq, and an apparent initial reluctance by the UN to accept the inevitability of war have left humanitarian planning lagging, with potentially catastrophic consequences. In the “medium impact scenario” -- to use the UN’s term for a two to three month conflict involving ground troops -- 1.45 million refugees and asylum seekers will try to reach neighboring countries, 900,000 people will be newly displaced within Iraq, and 4.9 million people will require emergency food assistance. (The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs assembled these figures, and while it is impossible to be precise given the myriad scenarios for how the conflict might unfold, they represent the best estimates of the key operational humanitarian agencies in the UN system). To give these agencies, such as the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the World Food Program (WFP), and UNICEF, the means to prepare for a crisis of this magnitude, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) launched a consolidated appeal for the modest amount of $37 million in mid-December. In recent weeks, the U.S. has pledged $26.2 million to these agencies and to the International Office of Migration and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Canada, Switzerland and Denmark have indicated their willingness to fund the OCHA appeal. But even full funding would represent no more than a token contribution towards the real costs of pre-positioning supplies for the hundreds of thousands of vulnerable people that the conflict will create. The United States military will inevitably assume a major humanitarian role during and in the immediate aftermath of the conflict. During the war itself, the UN will evacuate international staff and humanitarian access will be restricted. This will leave about 3,200 Iraqi employees of UN agencies and the ICRC to organize a partial response to the needs of the population. As the war progresses, however, even zones that become relatively secure could face a vacuum of humanitarian assistance created by the lack of funding for humanitarian preparations and the paucity of NGOs with existing capacity in Iraq. The complete dependence of 16 million Iraqis on government-distributed food rations begs the question of how the population’s basic needs will be met when government operations and transport and storage infrastructure are disrupted or destroyed by the war. The challenge of establishing basic security, even if the U.S.-led military operation is successful, means that the United States, as the initiator of the conflict and as the occupying power in the event of victory, will practically and legally be responsible for the well being of millions of vulnerable Iraqi civilians. Is the United States military prepared for this responsibility? As of this writing, it is impossible to know. All indications are that humanitarian planning by the U.S. military has been playing catch-up with the war planners. There has been no meaningful public dialogue or discussion of how the U.S. military is prepared to exercise its humanitarian responsibilities in the event of war. Now is the time for this discussion, and for the U.S. government to make public commitments to humanitarian principles and action. The Current Humanitarian Situation in Iraq Understanding the current vulnerabilities of the Iraqi population is essential to analyzing the potential humanitarian impact of the looming conflict. The decade of UN-imposed sanctions has left approximately 16 million Iraqis dependent on government rations for their entire food supply; most of the remaining eight million Iraqis rely on government rations for a portion of their daily food basket. Inability to access spare parts to refurbish water treatment and electric generation plants has resulted in the degradation of water supply and sewage systems for Iraq’s urbanized society. Hospitals and clinics suffer from chronic shortages of medicines and equipment. The result is an under-five mortality rate of 130 per 1,000, more than double the rate on the eve of the Gulf War in the late 1980s. UNICEF estimates that more than two million Iraqi children will require therapeutic feeding in the event of a conflict. The policies of Saddam Hussein’s government have created a large-scale problem of internal displacement even in advance of a new war. A deliberate attempt to Arabize the key oil-producing center of Kirkuk has driven Kurdish civilians north into the three northern governorates close to the border with Turkey. The government has also targeted Marsh Arabs, a distinct population living in a unique ecological zone in southern Iraq, and the Shi’i Arab community for persecution. A recent study published by The Brookings-SAIS Project on Internal Displacement estimates the number of internally displaced in Iraq at 900,000 to one million, 300,000 of which are in central and southern regions controlled by the Iraqi government and the balance in the autonomous zone in the north. In both areas, IDPs have difficulty accessing humanitarian support systems to meet their basic needs. The humanitarian infrastructure in Iraq is limited, considering the potential magnitude of the crisis that conflict would produce. The UN system is largely devoted to overseeing the Oil for Food Program, the component of the sanctions regime that oversees the purchase and distribution of food and medicine utilizing revenue from the sale of Iraqi oil. Very few international NGOs are present in the areas of Iraq controlled by the government. More agencies are working in the north, but the fact that their presence is considered illegal by the central government limits the scope of UN cooperation with these organizations. The ICRC is active, and intends to maintain its presence in the event of a conflict, but the independence of the Iraqi Red Crescent Society is doubtful in the political environment prevailing in Iraq. Scenarios for Displacement in the Event of a War Orchestrated leaks to the press from U.S. officials since July 2002 have given the public a periodic glimpse into the plans for the attack on Iraq. The most recent press reports suggest that the U.S. plan will apply overwhelming force through the air at the outset of the campaign, focusing on strategic targets in an attempt to destroy the Iraqi military’s will to fight and induce a quick surrender. This initial air campaign would be followed rapidly by simultaneous ground attacks advancing from the north and the south, perhaps accompanied by the introduction of ground troops throughout Iraq by mobile units. If these reports are accurate, they suggest two possible scenarios with different implications for displacement: continued.....http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/fromthefield/590615