SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: stockman_scott who wrote (13886)3/4/2003 11:31:59 AM
From: Jim Willie CB  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
UN vote probably will set stage for US retreat militarily

and the crude oil price will settle back
not from victory, but from retreat
nothing will be solved

we will go back to conditions like last summer
pressure on crude oil, when Iraq was NOT ON THE RADAR

/ jim



To: stockman_scott who wrote (13886)3/4/2003 12:41:14 PM
From: lurqer  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 89467
 
"The vote in Turkey fucked things up big time,"

That was my reading also. Things are just not going according to (the neo-con's) plan.

"We've always needed an exit strategy," admits one White House aide. "Circumstances have given us one. We shouldn't ignore it."

As I've mentioned, for the first time, there is a real possibility of stopping this war.

lurqer



To: stockman_scott who wrote (13886)3/4/2003 12:46:46 PM
From: Softechie  Respond to of 89467
 
Will Da Idiot finally waking up and smell the coffee?



To: stockman_scott who wrote (13886)3/4/2003 3:40:01 PM
From: Crimson Ghost  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
A War Policy in Collapse
by James Carroll

WHAT A DIFFERENCE a month makes. On Feb. 5, Secretary of State Colin Powell made the Bush
administration's case against Iraq with a show of authority that moved many officials and pundits out of
ambivalence and into acceptance. The war came to seem inevitable, which then prompted millions of people to
express their opposition in streets around the globe. Over subsequent weeks, the debate between hawks and
doves took on the strident character of ideologues beating each other with fixed positions. The sputtering rage of
war opponents and the grandiose abstractions of war advocates both seemed disconnected from the relentless
marshaling of troops. War was coming. Further argument was fruitless. The time seemed to have arrived, finally,
for a columnist to change the subject.

And then the events of last week. Within a period of a few days, the war policy of the Bush administration
suddenly showed signs of incipient collapse. No one of these developments by itself marks the ultimate reversal
of fortune for Bush, but taken together, they indicate that the law of ''unintended consequences,'' which famously
unravels the best-laid plans of warriors, may apply this time before the war formally begins. Unraveling is
underway. Consider what happened as February rolled into March:

Tony Blair forcefully criticized George W. Bush for his obstinacy on global environmental issues, a truly
odd piece of timing for such criticism from a key ally yet a clear effort to get some distance from
Washington. Why now?
The president's father chose to give a speech affirming the importance both of multinational cooperation
and of realism in dealing with the likes of Saddam Hussein. To say, as the elder Bush did, that getting rid
of Hussein in 1991 was not the most important thing is to raise the question of why it has become the
absolute now.
For the first time since the crisis began, Iraq actually began to disarm, destroying Al Samoud 2 missiles
and apparently preparing to bring weapons inspectors into the secret world of anthrax and nerve agents.
The Bush administration could have claimed this as a victory on which to mount further pressure toward
disarmament.
Instead, the confirmed destruction of Iraqi arms prompted Washington to couple its call for disarmament
with the old, diplomatically discredited demand for regime change. Even an Iraq purged of weapons of
mass destruction would not be enough to avoid war. Predictably, Iraq then asked, in effect, why Hussein
should take steps to disarm if his government is doomed in any case? Bush's inconsistency on this point
-- disarmament or regime change? -- undermined the early case for war. That it reappears now,
obliterating Powell's argument of a month ago, is fatal to the moral integrity of the prowar position.
The Russian foreign minister declared his nation's readiness to use its veto in the Security Council to
thwart American hopes for a UN ratification of an invasion.
Despite Washington's offer of many billions in aid, the Turkish Parliament refused to approve US
requests to mount offensive operations from bases in Turkey -- the single largest blow against US war
plans yet. This failure of Bush diplomacy, eliminating a second front, might be paid for in American lives.
The capture in Pakistan of Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, a senior Al Qaeda operative, should have been
only good news to the Bush administration, but it highlighted the difference between the pursuit of Sept.
11 culprits and the unrelated war against Iraq. Osama bin Laden, yes. Saddam Hussein, no.
Administration officials, contradicting military projections and then refusing in testimony before Congress
to estimate costs and postwar troop levels, put on display either the administration's inadequate
preparation or its determination, through secrecy, to thwart democratic procedures -- choose one.
In other developments, all highlighting Washington's panicky ineptness, the Philippines rejected the help
of arriving US combat forces, North Korea apparently prepared to start up plutonium production, and
Rumsfeld ordered the actual deployment of missile defense units in California and Alaska, making the
absurd (and as of now illegal) claim that further tests are unnecessary.

All of this points to an administration whose policies are confused and whose implementations are incompetent.
The efficiency with which the US military is moving into position for attack is impressive; thousands of uniformed
Americans are preparing to carry out the orders of their civilian superiors with diligence and courage. But the
hollowness of that civilian leadership, laid bare in the disarray of last week's news, is breathtaking.

That the United States of America should be on the brink of such an ill-conceived, unnecessary war is itself a
crime. The hope now is that -- even before the war has officially begun -- its true character is already manifesting
itself, which could be enough, at last, to stop it.

James Carroll's column appears regularly in the Globe.