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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: lurqer who wrote (15789)3/27/2003 6:55:45 PM
From: Sun Tzu  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
OK but I don't have the time to present the detailed case. I give you the idea and you think about it and see if it makes sense.

There are different forces at work each with their own agenda.

On one side you have people who feel US is too tied up by international rules and protocols. They feel even NATO is nuisance we could do without. So yes, being loathed by the world is not a bad thing for them. They hate us, we hate them, we won't care and won't be able to do anything multilaterally and that is just fine with them. I do not say a failure of diplomacy; I see the success of antagonism. If by some stroke of dumb luck the UN had approved out war plans, then there would not have been a precedent for going solo. The assumption was that this would be another 6-day war and so they could show to America that we can say the hell with the world and we can do as we want.



To: lurqer who wrote (15789)3/27/2003 10:29:38 PM
From: Sun Tzu  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 89467
 
Here is an article that highlights the two main tenets of my analysis of this administration. I am quite surprised that this has made it to Washington Monthly. It is somewhat diluted version of what I think and it portrays NeoCons in the most honorable light possible. Some of them certainly deserve this portrayal. The rest have more questionable goals.

ST

washingtonmonthly.com

In their view, invasion of Iraq was not merely, or even primarily, about getting rid of Saddam Hussein. Nor was it really about weapons of mass destruction, though their elimination was an important benefit. Rather, the administration sees the invasion as only the first move in a wider effort to reorder the power structure of the entire Middle East. Prior to the war, the president himself never quite said this openly. But hawkish neoconservatives within his administration gave strong hints. In February, Undersecretary of State John Bolton told Israeli officials that after defeating Iraq, the United States would "deal with" Iran, Syria, and North Korea. Meanwhile, neoconservative journalists have been channeling the administration's thinking. Late last month, The Weekly Standard's Jeffrey Bell reported that the administration has in mind a "world war between the United States and a political wing of Islamic fundamentalism ... a war of such reach and magnitude [that] the invasion of Iraq, or the capture of top al Qaeda commanders, should be seen as tactical events in a series of moves and countermoves stretching well into the future."

In short, the administration is trying to roll the table--to use U.S. military force, or the threat of it, to reform or topple virtually every regime in the region, from foes like Syria to friends like Egypt, on the theory that it is the undemocratic nature of these regimes that ultimately breeds terrorism. So events that may seem negative--Hezbollah for the first time targeting American civilians; U.S. soldiers preparing for war with Syria--while unfortunate in themselves, are actually part of the hawks' broader agenda. Each crisis will draw U.S. forces further into the region and each countermove in turn will create problems that can only be fixed by still further American involvement, until democratic governments--or, failing that, U.S. troops--rule the entire Middle East.

...

The same strategy seemed to guide the administration's passive-aggressive attitude towards our allies. It spent the months after September 11 signaling its distaste for international agreements and entangling alliances. The president then demanded last September that the same countries he had snubbed support his agenda in Iraq. And last month, when most of those countries refused, hawks spun that refusal as evidence that they were right all along. Recently, a key neoconservative commentator with close ties to the administration told me that the question since the end of the Cold War has been which global force would create the conditions for global peace and security: the United States, NATO, or the United Nations. With NATO now wrecked, he told me, the choice is between the Unites States and the United Nations. Whether NATO is actually wrecked remains to be seen. But the strategy is clear: push the alliance to the breaking point, and when it snaps, cite it as proof that the alliance was good for nothing anyway. It's the definition of chutzpah, like the kid who kills his parents and begs the judge for sympathy because he's an orphan.