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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jacob Snyder who wrote (99327)5/28/2003 4:53:03 PM
From: Ilaine  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
>>The Woolly-Thinker's Guide to Rhetoric

Translate

If your opponent talks of evidence, you talk of proof. If your opponent mentions probability, you turn that into certainty.

If your opponent disagrees with your facts, say your opponent is offended. If your opponent claims to know something about the topic under discussion, call your opponent an elitist.<<
butterfliesandwheels.com

>>The Woolly-Thinker's Guide to Rhetoric

Here you'll find top tips for besting your enemies. As employed by the world's best woolly-thinkers. Learn, for example: how to play the 'biological reductionist' card to maximum effect; how 'language games' can help you out of a sticky situation; and how lucky it is that 'truth' is relative to particular discourses (especially yours).
butterfliesandwheels.com



To: Jacob Snyder who wrote (99327)5/29/2003 2:14:38 AM
From: frankw1900  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
This is a refreshing point of view which doesn't need "translation." Jacob, whatever the US might want to achieve in Iraq, it certainly can't get it done in a situation of general disorder. Whatever your opinion of the US invasion, now it's there, it has obligations.

Empire can bring freedom to Iraq

nationalpost.com

John O'Sullivan
National Post

Tuesday, May 27, 2003

As the extraordinary success of U.S. forces in winning the Iraq war in a short month is followed by the far more difficult and messy task of restoring civil order and public utilities in the country, America seems suddenly struck by an attack of second thoughts. Should it be embroiled in this imperialist venture? Surely empire is both evil and doomed to fail? Is not the United States an anti-imperialist power born of rebellion against the British Empire?

There were faint premonitory rumblings of this anxiety in the first week of the war when Anglo-American forces met unexpectedly stiff resistance around Basra. Commentators suggested that this resistance was inspired by a popular Iraqi "nationalism" that invasion was bound to provoke. And the implication of this was that the United States was an invading rather than a liberating power.

In fact the resistance was mounted not by ordinary Iraqis, but by Saddam's various political militia such as the thuggish Baathist fedayeen. They terrorized local Iraqis quite as much as they resisted the U.S. and British Marines. And once the fedayeen power was destroyed, the ordinary Iraqis used their new liberty to welcome the U.S. soldiers.

Now that Iraq has been fully liberated, however, it needs to be governed. For the immediate future, the only power capable of governing it is the United States (or what amounts to the same thing, the United States in internationalist drag.) International law itself asserts that the occupying power has a responsibility to provide the population with public services, medical help, food aid, etc. And in recent days there have been great steps towards restoring normalcy under U.S. auspices.

The United Nations has voted to lift Iraqi sanctions, thus giving the United States and Britain a mandate to govern Iraq and to use oil revenues to reconstruct the country. NATO has agreed to give military and logistical help to Poland in running its sector of Iraq, thus further "internationalizing" U.S. rule. And Ambassador Paul Bremer, the U.S. civilian administrator of Iraq, has taken a series of steps to establish that Iraq is under new management, in particular dissolving the Iraqi army, various Saddamite militias, and other instruments of Baath party rule.

Bremer, however, has three obstacles to overcome if Iraq is to move gradually towards stable democratic rule. The first is the difficulty of getting the fractious Iraqi political and religious leaders to co-operate in gradually establishing constitutional liberal democratic institutions that allow no single party or religion to exercise untrammeled power over everyone else.

Bremer took two important steps towards achieving this in the last week. He postponed the date at which a conference of Iraqi leaders will begin discussions on establishing a new Iraqi authority till mid-July -- and he suggested that it should be an interim authority rather than a full provisional government. In other words, the United States is now making it clear that it will remain in control until the Iraqis are ready to compromise on a workable democratic constitution that will stick. And that may take years rather than months.

The second obstacle is the Baathist campaign of underground resistance to the U.S. forces. This campaign has been misinterpreted until now as "looting" or simple criminality. But it is becoming clear many of the shootings in Baghdad at least are attempts by a well-organized and well-financed Baathist resistance to sow chaos and to weaken American resolve.

And there is at least the hypothetical risk that the fractious post-Saddam political leaders and the Baathist resistance between them might create such confusion and mayhem as to persuade the United States to throw up its hands in despair and scuttle -- as earlier imperial powers have done in similar circumstances.

That makes the third obstacle the biggest danger of all -- namely, America's own fear that it is betraying its own anti-imperialist history in governing Iraq at all. For if U.S. officials are hobbled by the belief that their rule is essentially illegitimate, they will lack the resolve necessary to defeat guerrilla resistance, to establish law and order, to lay the foundations of stable government, and in general to impose their will on both enemies and uncertain friends. Jim Hoagland of The Washington Post gave an example of precisely this danger: "No sooner had ... Bremer banned prominent Baathists from holding office than a State Department officer in Baghdad labeled his move 'fascistic' to her colleagues."

What this anonymous diplomat apparently fails to understand is that banning Baathists from power is an essential first step towards democracy. It assures the Iraqi people that the Baathist tyranny is over for good and that they can therefore begin to live, think and act freely -- and in due course to govern themselves.

Not every empire is alike. The Belgian Congo was an extension of slavery; the British Empire abolished slavery wherever it expanded. There are such institutions as empires of freedom. Both the British and the Americans can be distinguished from almost all other imperial powers because they set out to prepare their subjects for eventual independence. But anarchy, chaos, looting, and murderous squabbling are the route to nowhere.

So while the United States remains in charge of bringing stable democratic government to Iraq in the end, it must exercise power confidently and occasionally harshly in the meantime. Sometimes it seems that ordinary Iraqis understand this better than sophisticated Americans -- including sophisticated American diplomats.



To: Jacob Snyder who wrote (99327)5/29/2003 2:27:26 AM
From: frankw1900  Respond to of 281500
 
David Warren believes things might well be moving on hopeful tangents in both Palestine and Iraq.

Bedwetting

davidwarrenonline.com

It was probably a good week, notwithstanding an inordinate number of terror bombings. The United Nations began re-assembling itself, Thursday, around the fact of the U.S.-British occupation of Iraq. The French, Germans, and Russians allowed themselves to be led back into the diplomatic sheepfold. There were at least rhetorical signs of a new spirit of co-operation from various Arab countries, in response to the blasts in Riyadh and Casablanca. Some remarkable articles began appearing in official and semi-official Arab media, acknowledging at least some of the facts of life.

An extraordinary, apparently spontaneous public demonstration was mounted in the town of Beit Hanoun in Gaza, after five days of Israeli military occupation, during which, according to the Associated Press, the IDF flattened more than a dozen houses, uprooted several orchards, drove through innumerable gardens and garden walls, damaged sewer, water, and electrical infrastructure, and tore up the streets; in addition to killing four gunmen, three stone-throwing teenagers, a miscellaneous bystander, injuring another 65, and leaving, by municipal estimate, at least 400 people homeless.

Beit Hanoun has been an Hamas stronghold, and a constant source of Qassam rockets aimed at nearby Israeli villages. It was the seventh time since the beginning of the Al Aqsa Intifada that the Israelis had had enough.

When the Israeli tanks and bulldozers and trucks withdrew, hundreds of residents came out of their homes to protest, burning tires and trash, and blocking the streets with rubble. We've seen that sort of thing before. But now the twist: the residents were directing their fury not against Israel, but instead against Hamas, and against the Palestinian Authority, which protects the "militants".

The AP's brave correspondent, Ibrahim Barzak, found a local farmer willing to be quoted by name. He was Mohammad Zaaneen, age 30, and he seemed to be speaking for the town. The militants, he said, "claim they are heroes. ... They brought us only destruction and made us homeless. They used our farms, our houses and our children ... to hide."

Now, I have heard that demonstrations like this have occurred before, but heard this only from Israeli sources. This one, to my knowledge, was at least the first to be reported internationally, which means in turn reported back throughout the West Bank and Gaza. It thus became a talking point, among a people who often feel powerlessly trapped between the rock of the Intifada and the hard place of Israel. If the recent elevation of Abu Mazen to the premiership of the Palestinian proto-state has had one positive effect, it is that the people of Beit Hanoun felt empowered to speak up. For Abu Mazen has himself publicly argued that anti-Israeli terror is one of the great Palestinian dumb ideas.

The ultimate intentions of the new prime minister are hard to fathom, and his past is not such as to encourage unqualified rejoicing. He is no Anwar Sadat -- the sort of statesman for which the Arab world now has a crying need. But Abu Mazen comes much closer than any previous Palestinian leader (Arafat; the Mufti of Jerusalem) to being a conventional politician, in the sense we might understand one, and that's a good thing. No such politician is complete in himself, his constituency will tend to define him. And if the Palestinian constituency is harbouring the kind of sentiments that were released after the Israeli raid on Beit Hanoun, there may soon be Palestinian statehood.

Ditto for the prospects of democracy in Iraq: I don't know what they are, and nobody knows yet. I try to be both an optimist and a pessimist simultaneously, rather than just one or the other, for this is helpful in keeping an open mind. Looking over the Iraqi situation from this distance, there is much reason to despair, and much reason to hope. Much has been written pointlessly about mistakes made by the American occupation forces -- including about things that weren't even mistakes -- without conceding that among people who aren't gods, mistakes are inevitable. Better to ask, are their intentions right, and do they learn from their errors?

It is the American way to stress optimism, and to be extremely empirical. They learn by doing, and did not have much experience governing demolished Arab countries. They make ghastly mistakes, and as often as not, turn around and fix them. They have, if I may make one of those generalizations about national character that aren't all the rage, a national disinclination to panic. The media are delegated to do the panicking on their behalf, the American people are fairly hard to scare.

The American government and people anyway don't own Iraq, any more than the Israelis own proto-Palestine. In each case, they merely take control of something that is trying to harm them. Short of simply annihilating the enemy -- which is, on balance, contrary to Judaeo-Christian traditions -- they aspire to put things right. The old-fashioned kind of imperialism is gone, has been proved a bad investment, and no country in its right mind aspires to govern another indefinitely.

So the issue isn't finally the Americans at all, or the Israelis in the case of Palestine. It is rather what the people of these countries want, and are capable of doing. If, for instance, the great majority among Iraq's majority Shia were determined to create an Islamist, theocratic state, then they would extend their national tragedy into new dimensions. If, alternatively, they want representative government and the secular rule of law -- which I'm persuaded the great majority would favour -- and if they have the will and industry to take charge of their own fate -- which I'm persuaded Iraqis are now showing in every walk of life -- they will become a free and prosperous people.

The enemy, next after the truly evil forces of terrorism and political fanaticism, is the bedwetting impulse. Pessimism is defensible, but not despair. The better sort of pessimism provides the equipment to look at the problems in their breadth, at which point optimism dictates which problem to fix first.

This is not a left/right thing, incidentally. So many counsels of despair, especially about the ground situation in Iraq, have come recently from seemingly good, solid, rightwing, pro-war hacks, who ought to know better; and conversely, the tone of "okay, let's make the best of this" from what was the other side. Opinions count for nothing compared with character.

David Warren