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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (4887)8/12/2003 11:53:16 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793669
 
Clinton campaigning with Davis? Could be.

California's Embattled Governor Gains a New Adviser: Bill Clinton
By ADAM NAGOURNEY - NEW YORK TIMES

LOS ANGELES, Aug. 12 - Bill Clinton feels Gray Davis's pain.

The former president of the United States has a book to finish and a presidential library to open. But the crisis that has befallen Mr. Davis, the California governor facing a recall election on Oct. 7, has commanded his attention.

Mr. Clinton, who himself survived a recall effort of sorts, has over the past week become one of Mr. Davis's main strategic advisers, associates of the two men say.

Mr. Clinton met privately with Mr. Davis and his wife, Sharon, at an A.F.L.-C.I.O. convention in Chicago last week, offering a political tutorial on how Mr. Davis should beat back the effort to remove him. (Points 1, 2, and 3: act gubernatorial, make sure the fight is about the recall initiative and not about Mr. Davis, and do not get baited by the news media into a fight with Arnold Schwarzenegger, one participant said.)

Over the past week, Mr. Clinton has spoken regularly with Mr. Davis by telephone, in conversations that last up to an hour, Democrats here said.

Mr. Davis's aides leave the office and close the door behind them when a secretary announces that Mr. Clinton is on the phone, and Mr. Davis has told them he does not want to share details of their consultations.

Mr. Clinton, who has turned down several requests from Democratic presidential candidates to share a stage, was described as willing to campaign on Mr. Davis's behalf, should the two men conclude that it would help. A joint appearance could happen as soon as early September, Democrats said, when Mr. Clinton is scheduled to be in the state for a speech.

Mr. Clinton loves all things political and anything to do with California, a state where he considered settling after leaving the White House. And he has hardly been shy about serving as the Democratic Party's political consultant in chief. But Mr. Clinton was said to be particularly drawn to the California recall because of what he described to associates as disturbing parallels between the post-election effort to remove Mr. Davis and the impeachment that almost led to his own ouster.

At the Chicago meeting, Mr. Clinton invoked the impeachment fight in advising Mr. Davis on what to do, according to participants. And the game plan Mr. Clinton laid out to Mr. Davis, one of Mr. Clinton's associates noted with some amusement, is strikingly similar to the one Mr. Clinton employed to survive impeachment.

"You continue to do the job, and you continue to tell people that you are doing the job,' " Mr. Clinton told Mr. Davis, according to a Democratic official who attended the meeting. "You've got to keep your focus on being governor, no matter what the political pressure."

"His advice was mostly focused on how Davis should handle Davis," the official said. "He talked about the importance of staying focused no matter what the people around you are saying. He was elected governor of the state, and they expect him to do his job."

It would seem that Mr. Davis is following the Clinton script. Today, for example, appearing at a gas station here to challenge federal environmental regulations, Mr. Davis deflected a question about whether he would consider stepping aside with a line that could have come from Mr. Clinton at the height of the impeachment battle.

"I have an obligation to the eight million who went to the polls last November: They asked me to do a job in California," he said. "I'm going to do it every day they allow me to do it. I'm not going to give up on those eight million people who went to the polls."

Mr. Davis was described by associates as heartened by Mr. Clinton's support. It has come at a time when many in his own party have abandoned him, or offered only tepid encouragement, which they have made clear is more an expression of opposition to the recall procedure than support of him.

Mr. Davis declined a request for an interview.

"The governor appreciates the advice and counsel that the president has offered him," said Peter Ragone, his communications director, "and he doesn't intend to discuss it publicly."

Mr. Clinton also did not respond to a request for an interview today.

One of his advisers, Douglas Sosnik, who was his political director in the White House, said that "among the reasons that the president would have to get involved with the race is that having a recall of a governor who has been re-elected sets a terrible precedent for this democracy."

Several people who have talked to Mr. Clinton described him as distressed with what was taking place in California, and suggested that he, like many Democrats, saw it as part of a pattern that included the impeachment and the recent efforts by Republicans in Texas to redraw Congressional district lines in a way would eliminate some Democratic-leaning districts.

"There are a lot of people in the party who are connecting the dots: What's occurring is a conscious and well-heeled effort to try to undo traditional democratic processes," one of Mr. Clinton's associates said.

Garry South, one of Mr. Davis's close advisers, said that "the two people who have been most incensed about this are Bill Clinton and Dianne Feinstein." Ms. Feinstein, one of this state's senators, fought back a recall in 1983 when she was mayor of San Francisco.

Mr. Clinton and Mr. Davis are not particularly close, though Mr. Davis and his wife have visited the Clintons at their home in Chappaqua, N.Y. But in 1992, when Mr. Clinton was first elected president, he camped out in California for much of the year and returned here often as president. His intense attention to California as president is one reason why many Republicans close to the White House view it as unwinnable in the 2004 election.

And Mr. Davis is part of the reason why Mr. Clinton had so much success here. For one thing, he helped Mr. Clinton raise money in this state.

For another, in the kind of gesture that politicians rarely forget, Mr. Davis appeared at Mr. Clinton's side when many other Democrats would not, after the 1994 Congressional elections swept Democrats out of power. Mr. Davis, than the newly elected lieutenant governor, made a point of meeting Mr. Clinton at the airport whenever he came into California, Mr. South said.

In discussing the extent of Mr. Clinton's involvement in the California contest, one associate said that his time was limited because he was nearing the due date for submitting the manuscript for his book. He has been, or rather is supposed to be, spending much of this month writing on Martha's Vineyard.

Some Democrats said that in this unsettled environment, it was not clear whether a visit by Mr. Clinton would be a help. "He's a popular Democrat, but this is not your normal race," said Joe Lockhart, who was Mr. Clinton's White House press secretary. "It's impossible to predict how anything would go."

As it is, Mr. Davis's advisers are debating the extent to which they want to make this a national election, rather than a state one, and whether their effort to portray the recall effort as orchestrated by out-of-state right-wing activists might be undercut if Mr. Clinton popped up at Mr. Davis's side.

But other Democrats said that given Mr. Clinton's popularity here, particularly among minority voters, whose turnout could be crucial to Mr. Davis's survival, it was not even a close call.

"He is king of the hill out here," Mr. South said.
nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (4887)8/12/2003 11:59:50 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793669
 
Friedman gets mugged in Iraq. Why couldn't it happen to Dowd?

Power and Peril
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

BAGHDAD, Iraq

I tagged along the other day with Bernard Kerik, the dynamo former New York City police chief who is in Baghdad retraining the Iraqi cops. We sat in on a class where a U.S. police trainer and his translator were going through the basics of how to start an interrogation. The Iraqi policemen, who four months ago thought removing a suspect's fingernails was how to start an interrogation, dutifully took notes in their U.S.-provided notebooks.

What struck me most, though, was the new "mission statement" for the Iraqi police, posted next to the blackboard in English and Arabic. It said: "We the Iraqi Police Force protect human rights and uphold our laws by serving our citizens and community for the unity and freedom of Iraq."

That statement exemplifies just how radical and revolutionary the U.S. nation-building project in Iraq is. Half the words in that statement were meaningless here four months ago. Human rights? Laws? Citizens? They still have no meaning, but the intent to endow them with some is what is radically new. For 50 years, Iraq, and the Arab world generally, has seen only the status quo side of U.S. power: American power used to buttress the old authoritarian order. Iraqis and other Arabs are now being treated to something radically new: our ideas, the revolutionary side of American power. They still don't quite believe it.

Unfortunately, the same Bush Pentagon that had the audacity to undertake this revolutionary project in Iraq did not prepare either itself or the U.S. public for such a vast undertaking. I worry that we're not going to have the time, money or people to finish this job right ? for several reasons.

First, there's a word I've heard here that I did not hear on two previous visits since the war: "humiliation." This is an occupation. It may have come with the best of intentions, but nobody likes to be occupied. I just watched a scene at the checkpoint at the July 14 Bridge, which leads to the huge U.S. compound in the heart of Baghdad. U.S. soldiers kept telling Iraqi women ? who were coming to work for the U.S. forces! ? that they could not enter because no female U.S. soldiers were available to search them. It is 120 degrees here. To wait in line for 30 minutes and then be told you have to go across the city to a different gate produces humiliation and rage, and eventually grenades tossed at Americans. I saw it in the eyes of those Iraqi women and their husbands as they drove away.

Second, America's real enemies in Iraq are exacerbating the situation by cutting electricity lines, which the U.S. does not have enough troops to protect, so many Iraqis today have less electricity (read: air-conditioning) than they had a month ago. The electricity cuts are disrupting oil production and refining, which leads to gasoline lines, soaring prices, more unemployment and more looting.

I was in a five-car convoy that was robbed in broad daylight on Monday morning just outside Baghdad. We were on the only highway linking Iraq to Jordan ? the country's lifeline ? when several BMW's with masked men, armed with AK-47's, ambushed us under a bridge. These "Ali Babas" blocked the road, pointed guns at our faces and demanded our cash (no credit cards!). They made off with thousands of dollars, which maybe they'll just keep, or maybe they'll use to pay people to kill U.S. soldiers. Who knows? I do know we drove for two more hours before we ran into the soldiers of a U.S. patrol and told them what had happened.

"Sorry," the sergeant said, "we just don't have enough people."

It's a travesty that four months after the fall of Saddam, the main road in and out of the country is still not safe. It underscores how much the Pentagon's ideological reach exceeds its military grasp. All of America's friends in Baghdad say the same thing: I love your ideas, but my daily life ? salary, electricity, security ? is worse since you came, not better.

"If you have an animal in the zoo who is fearful, angry and hungry, how can you train him?" Imad al-Tamimi, a college student who works for U.S. forces as a translator, asked me. "But if you secure him, caress him and give him some food, he will be obedient. The Iraqi people, if you secure their lives, give them a minimum level of good living, they will be your friends without your even asking them to be your friends. But that's not what's happening."

We have planted many good ideas and programs here, but the ideas will not be heard and the programs will not flower without more money to create jobs, more troops to protect the electricity and more time to train Iraqis so U.S. troops can get off the streets, and without a U.S. advisory team here dedicated to stay. There is no continuity. U.S. advisers come for a few months, then leave, and their replacements have to start all over.

It would be a tragic irony if the greatest technological power in the history of the world came to the cradle of civilization with its revolutionary ideas and found itself defeated because it couldn't keep the electricity on.

nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (4887)8/13/2003 1:01:40 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793669
 
An article from the "Times" about the new Nominee to take over the EPA. I think the Admin learned from the Whitman experience that there is no use in trying to get along with the "Religious Left" of the Environmental movement. They will not go along with anybody Bush puts in the EPA.

Bush Choice to Head E.P.A. Asks Clinton Administrator for Reference
By KATHARINE Q. SEELYE

[W] ASHINGTON, Aug. 12 ? By 6 o'clock this morning, Utah time, Gov. Michael O. Leavitt, President Bush's choice for administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, had called Carol M. Browner, the administrator under President Bill Clinton. He asked if he could use her as a reference as he prepared for his confirmation hearings, which are bound to be rife with Democratic dissent.

Ms. Browner said sure, but she told him she would tell people about both his pluses and his minuses. In the plus category, she told a reporter later, she would say that they worked well together, that he was "very good on the Grand Canyon visibility stuff" and that "he didn't simply walk the industry line." In addition, she said, "he's a really nice guy."

On the down side, she said, she would say he was a true believer in two philosophies with which she adamantly disagrees. One, which he shares with the Bush administration, is cost-benefit analysis, which she opposes because, she said, it traditionally overestimates the cost of regulations to industry and underestimates the benefit to health and the environment. The second is his belief in states' rights, which she said can lead to low standards and to some states' becoming pollution havens.

The call to Ms. Browner, a Democrat, was an indication that Governor Leavitt, a Republican, was executing a comprehensive confirmation strategy to win over Democrats as well as Republicans for his hearings, expected to begin in September.

And it illustrated his chief virtue, as his supporters describe it: an ability to work both sides of the aisle.

Governor Leavitt is getting a big head start on his potential opposition. While he worked the phones and lined up support ? he said today that among his calls was one to Christie Whitman, whose resignation as administrator made way for his nomination ? the Senate was in recess. That means that organized opposition would be slower to take shape.

Several environmental groups were working feverishly to amass details critical of what the Sierra Club called his antienvironmental record, highlighted chiefly by secret negotiations he held with the Interior Department to eliminate protections for millions of acres of wilderness.

But the groups have not been united against him. Some have lauded him for keeping nuclear waste out of his state. Others have praised his work against urban sprawl.

Mr. Leavitt said in a speech today in Salt Lake City that his environmental views were in the "productive middle" and not on the extremes. That "is where the vast majority of the American people are," he said. Last week, before his nomination was announced, he called his environmental critics "extremists."

Frank Luntz, the Republican pollster who wrote a memorandum this year advising the administration how to sound sympathetic on the environment, said today: "The American people believe that many of these environmental groups are extreme. They want a centrist policy that doesn't hurt the economy and doesn't stop progress. Leavitt has taken that middle-of-the-road approach."

At the same time, most senators have been reluctant to criticize him. They include Senator James M. Jeffords, the Vermont independent and ranking minority member of the Environment and Public Works Committee, which will hold the confirmation hearings.

His spokeswoman, Diane Derby, said Mr. Jeffords wanted to study Mr. Leavitt's record before weighing in and that he wanted to talk with the governor about one of his primary concerns ? a lack of timely information to the committee from the Bush administration on environmental matters.

Similarly, Howard Dean, the former Vermont governor and Democratic presidential candidate, who as a fellow governor has a long history with Mr. Leavitt, put out a statement that avoided any criticism of him as nominee.

This typified the approach of Democratic presidential candidates, who are lambasting President Bush's environmental record while essentially sparing Mr. Leavitt. Four of the nine Democrats running for president are in the Senate and will almost certainly use the confirmation hearings as a platform on which to attack the president's record.

Senator Joseph I. Lieberman of Connecticut, one candidate, sounded the strongest note. He said in a letter today to Senator James M. Inhofe, the chairman of the environment committee, that Governor Leavitt's record deserved extra scrutiny. Mr. Lieberman said he was concerned about the secret wilderness negotiations; his insistence on building a highway across wetlands, a project stopped by the courts; and his failure to respond quickly to the release of carcinogens from a magnesium plant near the Great Salt Lake.

Both sides expect the hearings to offer political fireworks. As one top Republican aide said, "We expect Lieberman may slap a hold on the nomination and say, `This is my trophy to the environmental group,' " referring to the process by which any senator can try to stop a nomination.

The Republican-controlled Senate could ignore the "hold," which could force the senator objecting to the nominee to stage a filibuster. But, the Republican aide said, if that happened, "pressure can be brought to bear, and we can get Democratic governors to come out and support Leavitt."

"There will be all kinds of political tricks here," the aide said, "but at the end of the day, he'll have solid, unified Republican support and at least 10 moderate Democrats."

nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (4887)8/13/2003 11:52:53 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793669
 
When I read this story I thought of your efforts on behalf of your your local school Bonds, and figured this must hit home. Any comments?

Great Haven for Families, but Don't Bring Children
By LAURA MANSNERUS - NEW YORK TIMES

LOPATCONG TOWNSHIP, N.J. - Everyone agrees that this recently rural township, its sleepy streets fringed by old farms, is a fine place to rear children. And in just a few years, hundreds of children have arrived, each like an invoice addressed to taxpayers.

Now the town faces another expense, the legal defense of a new ordinance that will, in effect, keep down the number of families moving in. The courts will decide whether the restriction, limiting new multifamily housing units to two bedrooms, crosses a fine line between zoning meant to slow galloping development and zoning meant to keep out families with children.

The situation in this town, where enrollment in the town's only elementary school has almost doubled since 1995, illustrates a tension deeply felt in fast-growing areas from here to California as the cost of education turns the social logic of the suburbs upside down. Havens for families are expensive to run, and many of the people who run them are trying to draw childless couples, single people, retirees ? anybody but children.

"It shows that the economics of the suburbs are out of phase with the original purpose of the suburbs," said Robert Fishman, a professor of urban planning at the University of Michigan and the author of "Bourgeois Utopias" (Basic Books, 1989), a history of suburban growth.

That purpose was to take women and children out of the "morally corrupt environment" of rough industrial cities, Professor Fishman said. "It's still to an amazing degree the cultural assumption that this green, open environment is a better place to raise children."

But the cost of educating children, not a huge concern even in the postwar Levittown decade, now exceeds what their parents' houses yield in taxes. As school costs rise, "people get more desperate about it," said Myron Orfield, a law professor at the University of Minnesota and the author of "American Metropolitics: The New Suburban Reality" (Brookings Institution, 2002).

The local governments' first line of defense, Professor Orfield said, is simply to fend off housing. "They aren't providing land for housing, especially apartment buildings. Everyone's zoning for commercial buildings. In California, auto malls are king. In New Jersey, commercial office parks are the most valuable things."

The federal Fair Housing Act prohibits discrimination against people with children. But restrictions that have that effect but are meant to accomplish something else are usually lawful.

Some communities that may not want to increase their school-age population can embrace the elderly. That is socially acceptable, and because the federal Fair Housing Act allows senior-citizen developments to prohibit younger residents, it is legally acceptable. The fast-growing western suburbs of Boston, for example, are scrambling for developments with age restrictions and otherwise engaging in what one legislator calls "vasectomy zoning." Naperville, Ill., outside Chicago, is imposing restrictive covenants on some new developments to prohibit sales to people under 55.

Edward J. Blakely, dean of the management school at New School University and co-author of "Fortress America: Gated Communities in the United States" (Brookings Institution, 1999), said some communities are limiting times when children can be on streets or putting prohibitions on skateboards and roller skates "because it supposedly does damage to the sidewalks."

In the development corridors of central and northwestern New Jersey, many towns have adopted minimum lot sizes of 5 or 10 acres.

Patrick O'Keefe, the chief executive officer of the New Jersey Builders Association, said, "The idea is both to inflate the price of what will be built and to diminish the amount that will be built."

In the fast-growing Jersey Shore area, Ocean County has attracted scores of developments for retirees. Ventnor, a shore town that sends its high school students to Atlantic City, at a cost of $12,000 a year each, recently started offering owners of apartment buildings $22,000 to convert year-round rentals to seasonal.

Ventnor has set aside $200,000 in incentive money. Mayor Tim Kreischer pointed out that if two high school students ended up elsewhere for four years, "there's half your $200,000 right there."

New Jersey's position is especially painful because local property taxes provide about 55 percent of school costs, while the national average is about 42 percent. Professor Orfield says the problem is worst in "places that are turning into bedroom suburbs, where people are not so affluent and have blinding taxes."

That describes Lopatcong, near Interstate 78 at the state's western edge. As farms gave way to subdivisions of single-family houses, the population rose to 6,991 in 2002 from 5,765 in 2000. Enrollment at the town's elementary school was 503 in 1995 and 755 in 2001, and it is expected to reach 900 this fall, when a new middle school will open.

In a state with the nation's highest property taxes per capita and the highest education costs per pupil, Lopatcong's are comparatively modest. The average property tax bill is about $4,400, half that of many Bergen County and Essex County suburbs. Lopatcong's school cost is $7,696 per pupil, while the state average is nearly $10,000.

But the numbers worry a town with few commercial taxpayers. And when the developer of a half-built condominium and town house complex applied to redesign 72 planned two-bedroom units to add another bedroom, saying that many prospective buyers needed three bedrooms, local officials denied the request. The zoning ordinance governing the 414-unit development limited the total number of bedrooms but not the number per unit, so the Township Council enacted the two-bedroom limit for all new units in the multifamily zone.

The builder's opponents cited, among other things, an estimate that the additional bedrooms would mean 88 additional residents, including 41 children of school age. At a public hearing, several residents worried aloud about school crowding. "So if you have kids, you have got the bottom line, you have got the school tax," one man said. "That is my concern."

The builder, Larken Associates, sued in Superior Court, contending that the town was discriminating against families with children. Larry Gardner, the company's chief executive, said in anger after a Planning Board meeting, "Is children coming into a township a reason not to approve? What they're saying is 41 children are going to cause such a detriment to the community."

Mayor Douglas J. Steinhardt protested that the builder was more interested in maximizing profit than in opportunities for young families. The zoning ordinance, he said, simply aimed to slow the erosion of the town's rural character.

"It's changing the makeup of what's already a high-density development," Mr. Steinhardt said.

He also said the ordinance merely enforced the builder's original agreement with the township to build one- and two-bedroom units, which the town accepted when it approved a higher density than the original zoning permitted.

If local officials hesitate to mention school costs publicly ? although several in Lopatcong did so in comments to local newspapers ? it is in part because New Jersey courts have been hostile to such arguments for restrictive zoning.

Even Ventnor, in paying landlords to eliminate year-round rentals, is offering an incentive rather than a restriction, and savings on school costs will be "an auxiliary benefit," the city administrator, Andrew McCrosson, said.

"We addressed it as a quality-of-life issue," Mr. McCrosson said. "So many people packed into such a tight area, you have more police calls, more utility problems, and it exacerbates an already terrible parking problem."

But in private conversations, local officials talk about the staggering expense of educating children.

James W. Hughes, the dean of the Edward J. Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy at Rutgers, said a desirable development is now considered to be "one that doesn't have smokestacks and doesn't generate children."

Twenty-five or thirty years ago, Dean Hughes said, industry was anathema to suburbs, so office buildings and housing were seen as desirable. "All of a sudden they realized how expensive schoolchildren are."

In older suburbs the second baby boom has not strained the schools built for their parents, he said, but recently developed towns on the periphery had tiny and often aging schools.

Costs have risen everywhere, he said. "Back in the 1950's and 60's things were so much cheaper. You were building dirt-cheap buildings. You didn't have the bells and whistles. A lot of high schools now have TV studios, swimming pools, computer labs. The schools have to be triple-wired and air conditioned. You have additional staff."

People who got property tax bills for $1,000 or $1,500 when their children were in school now pay $10,000 or $12,000 for the same house, Dean Hughes said.

Professor Orfield said that people on all sides of the issue have a common enemy: the property tax.

A few states, notably Michigan, have shifted substantial educational costs from local governments to the state, easing the competition between local governments to maximize revenue and minimize school populations.

In the suburban counties in New York State, many towns have property taxes at least as high as those in New Jersey, but planners say the band of rapidly developing suburbs is smaller and the issue of school populations less volatile.

Dean Blakely said: "Most of the people who have kids are moving to Jersey now. There's more land, it's cheaper, the transportation is good, and that's where the jobs are anyway."

Connecticut, one of the few states that ranks above New Jersey in its schools' reliance on property taxes, has similar problems, said Richard Porth, the director of the Capital Regional Council of Governments in Hartford. "The way that New Jersey and Connecticut and some other states rely on the property tax to pay for education hurts us in 100 ways," Mr. Porth said.

In New Jersey, the pressures on middle-class towns are aggravated by the state school-aid formula, which provides nearly full financing for the 30 neediest districts and scales back payments to the more affluent, including many suburban districts whose schools are most in demand.

Urban experts and politicians say it is a problem that communities will wrestle with for years.

"You cannot deal with smart growth in an environment where, in the back of people's minds they're saying, `If we have another unit, will this cost us tens of thousands of dollars in school costs?' " said Edmund O'Brien, the mayor of Metuchen, N.J. "You can't have a town without kids."
nytimes.com