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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: MSI who wrote (6627)9/3/2003 1:08:21 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793782
 
Popular culture wins again.Older Arabs probably feel about this contest the way I do about "Gangsta Rap"

[The New York Times]
September 3, 2003
52 to 48
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

[I] f you listen closely to the emerging debate about Iraq, one of the themes you can start to hear is that culture matters ? and therefore this whole Iraq adventure may be a fool's errand. Because the political culture in the Arab world ? where family and tribal identities have always trumped the notion of the citizen ? is resistant to democracy.

I believe culture does matter, although I have no idea how much it explains the absence of Arab democracies. But I also believe cultures can change under the weight of history, economic reform and technological progress, and my own encounters with young people in the Arab world since 9/11 tell me that is happening. Consider what was the most talked-about story in the Arab world in recent weeks. Iraq? No. Palestine? No.

It was the Arab version of "American Idol"!

The Arab look-alike, called "Superstar," was aired on the satellite channel of the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation (LBC). Over 21 weeks, viewers got to vote by fax, Internet or cellphone for their favorite singers. Thousands of singers from across the Arab world were narrowed down to 12 finalists from seven different countries, then two. Millions of Arab viewers voted in the finals.

On Aug. 18, the A.P. reported from Beirut: "Competition went smoothly until last week, when front-runner Melhem Zein, of Lebanon, was eliminated in the semifinals. Angry fans [in the studio] pelted each other with chairs and anything they could find, and the two remaining contestants fainted. . . . Both Jordan and Syria have launched campaigns urging people to vote for their candidates" ? who were the two finalists.

Naturally, the fundamentalist Islamic Action Front condemned it all: "We urge official and popular parties to put an end to this sad comedy," it said, because this show "facilitates the culture of globalization led by America to change the cultural identity of the people."

I found out about all this when a Jordanian friend e-mailed me after the finals, saying: "Yesterday the Jordanian singer won through a vote over the Internet. 4.5 million people voted. People went wild in the streets till the early hours of the morning. . . . The Arab basement can change!"

Rami Khouri, editor of The Beirut Daily Star, echoed that theme: "This was a fascinating example of how the power of technology ? in this case satellite television, Internet and cellphones ? can tap sentiments and prompt people to action." But what was even more striking, Mr. Khouri said, was the Jordanian singer's victory margin. She won by only 52 to 48 percent in a region where presidents always win by "99 percent."

"I do not recall in my happy adult life a national vote that resulted in a 52 to 48 percent victory," Mr. Khouri added. "Most of the `referenda' or `elections' that take place in our region usually result in fantastic pre-fixed victories. . . . So a 52 to 48 percent outcome ? even for just a song contest ? is a breath of fresh air. . . . Thank you, LBC, for allowing ordinary Arabs to show that they are not always willing participants in the political freak shows that are the `official elections' for president and other forms of Great Leader."

In the Arab world, where few can speak freely, let alone vote, satellite TV is becoming a virtual Democracy Wall. "They're the only opening, so people try to push as much through them as they can," said Marwan Bishara, a politics lecturer at the American University of Paris.

Technology, though, still can't trump two huge impedients to Arab democracy. One is the lack of institutions to ensure a peaceful rotation of power. "In too many countries there is still a tradition of rule or die ? either my group or tribe is in power or it's exposed to great danger, so you must never give up power," noted Michael Mandelbaum, author of "The Ideas That Conquered the World."

The other is that so many Arab economies are dominated by state oil revenues and state companies, with private enterprise very weak. Therefore, holding onto or being close to power are the only pathways to wealth. Control power, control wealth. "It will be very hard to install lasting democracy in this region," Mr. Mandelbaum added, "without institutions and economic reforms that guarantee that there is life after power and wealth without power."

So yes, culture and historical legacies matter, but so, too, do new ideas and technologies. All of which means America's attempt to bring democracy to Iraq isn't crazy ? just something that will be very hard.

nytimes.com



To: MSI who wrote (6627)9/3/2003 1:28:26 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793782
 
Can Clark Beat Bush?

By E. J. Dionne Jr.

Tuesday, September 2, 2003; Page A21

If Gen. Wesley Clark decides to run for the Democratic presidential nomination, he will be relying on the same sentiment that has turned Howard Dean into the insurgent front-runner.

On paper, Dean and Clark could hardly be more different. Clark is a southerner, Dean a New Englander. Clark spent his career in the military. Dean is a doctor who has spent years in state politics. Clark is presumed to be a centrist along the lines of his fellow Arkansan, Bill Clinton. Dean has a moderate history, but has used the late Paul Wellstone's mantra -- "I'm from the Democratic wing of the Democratic Party" -- to turn himself into a hero of the party's left.

But none of these things matters nearly as much as the single overpowering fact of Democratic presidential politics this year: the deep, gut-level dislike that so many Democrats feel for President Bush and their passionate desire to remove him from office.

Up to now that sentiment has worked in Dean's favor. Dean caught the attention of his party by opposing Bush on Iraq while the other major Democratic presidential candidates -- Sens. John Kerry, Joe Lieberman and John Edwards and Rep. Richard Gephardt -- all voted for the war. Sen. Bob Graham voted against the war but did not grab antiwar activists.

As a former governor, Dean is an outsider who doesn't have to answer for anything Washington Democrats do (or fail to do). Even when congressional Democrats strongly criticize Bush, their words -- to their frustration -- are rarely covered in the press or on television. So Dean, fairly or unfairly, developed the reputation as "the one Democrat willing to stand up to Bush," the phrase that has become a mantra for his supporters.

But if the Democrats' dislike of Bush leads some in their ranks to support his seemingly most outspoken opponent, it leads others to a pragmatic judgment: The party's obligation is to nominate the candidate with the best profile for taking the fight to Bush's turf.

That has produced a longing for Clark among some Democrats and a significant outpouring of support in chat rooms and on Internet sites set up to encourage him to run. This is another parallel to the Dean campaign, which has used the Web cleverly and aggressively. If Clark does get into the race later this month, this Internet infrastructure could be key to his chances of raising enough money to be competitive.

Listen to the Clark Web-heads and you hear the longing for a winner.

"Whoever wins the Democratic primary had better be able to neutralize the defense argument quickly, or they're toast," wrote one correspondent. "This is why, before Clark, I felt that there was no way in hell that anyone could possibly beat Bush. . . . Only Clark can change the dynamic. Only Clark can change the conversation. Only Clark can change the direction."

"He is the man that can beat Bush," wrote another. "He can repeal Bush policies, help get the economy back on track, restore our political prestige and help make our country far safer."

And some of Clark's Web supporters explicitly contrast his chances to Dean's. One declared that Dean was "the vehicle for those simply furious with both the Republicans and the Democratic Party" while Clark was the candidate of those with "faith in the idea of American self-renewal." This writer went on: "to heal a divided nation, we will not begin by dividing it still further."

Clark, of course, could still decide not to run, though the sounds from his camp indicate that he will. No one knows what kind of candidate he will make. Up to now he has not been challenged by any of his prospective opponents. Kerry, whose Vietnam War hero status has given him special claim to being the best candidate to challenge Bush, has a strong interest in pushing Clark back.

And unlike Dean, who had months in relative obscurity to work out kinks in his approach and his campaign, Clark will be subjected to enormous attention immediately. This late in the game, he can't afford rookie mistakes.

But if Clark does prosper, he, like Dean, will owe a great deal to George W. Bush. Parties desperate for victory do unusual things, including turning to generals. Clark presumably is studying the success of one of the most brilliant politician-generals in American history, Dwight D. Eisenhower. But Ike could rely on party bosses to ease his way. Clark and his fans on the Web will have to do a lot of the work themselves.

postchat@aol.com

© 2003 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: MSI who wrote (6627)9/3/2003 5:51:43 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793782
 
You had better be careful what you say, MSI. Look what happened to this poor dog when he started sniffing around!

Quote of the Day: "That old boy lost everything because he wouldn't stay off the president's place." - Bill Westerfield, Bush neighbor in Crawford, Texas, on the castration of his dog Smut (Dallas Morning News).