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To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (8753)9/21/2003 3:07:13 AM
From: Nadine Carroll  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793745
 
Good article by Ze'ev Schiff, saying, better not expel Arafat before you have a policy for what follows. Of course, when he, like Dennis Ross, suggest 'generous moves' to go with the expulsion, he doesn't say what should happen when the generous moves are received by Hamas in a not so generous manner:

And after Arafat is expelled?

By Ze'ev Schiff



If we disregard the tom-tom boomings saying
Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat must
be expelled, the main rationale for the
government's decision is that Arafat does not
allow any other Palestinian leader to end
terrorism and conduct peace talks with Israel.
Arafat will never recognize Israel as a Jewish
state. In other words, his existence here, or in
general, is an obstacle to any progress and his
removal will serve the cause of regional peace.




Let us assume that the
government implements its
decision to expel Arafat -
which in my view entails
greater risks than allowing him
to remain at the Muqata, his
headquarters in Ramallah. What
might we expect afterward?
Indeed what exactly is Israel's
policy - or does it have any

policy of any kind?

The Palestinian reaction is clear. There will be
more terrorism, especially if harm comes to
Arafat, and other Palestinian leaders will find
it impossible to cooperate with Israel without
being considered traitors by their people.

If Arafat is expelled, the ball will be in
Israel's court. Israel will have to prove that
its action removed the obstruction to progress.
Whereas the Palestinians will be obliged to
prove they are fighting terrorism, as they have
often pledged, Israel will be obliged to
proving that "without Arafat" it is ready to
take steps it did not take in the past.

This does not mean miniature moves like those in
the past, which in terms of their effectiveness
are comparable to giving aspirin to a cancer
patient. If our boast will be that we are
giving entry permits to another couple of
thousand Palestinian workers and a few hundred
merchants from the territories, or if we think
we have brought deliverance to the conflict by
removing another ten checkpoints - which will
afterward be put up somewhere else - or by
opening border-crossing terminals at more
convenient times, we will have missed the
opportunity.

Only meaningful large-scale, generous moves can
perhaps move the process forward. Here are a
few examples that could be taken by Israel in a
post-Arafat era:

l Withdraw the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to
the lines of September 29, 2000, that existed
in the Gaza Strip and in Judea-Samaria on the
eve of the eruption of the armed intifada.

l Immediate lifting of the siege from the
majority of the Palestinian cities and the
unilateral transfer of responsibility for them,
and afterward for the rest of the cities, to
the Palestinian security organizations.

l Release of the prisoners and detainees who
were included in the list of candidates for
release that was drawn up by a cabinet
committee. This refers to hundreds of people
from various organizations.

l Immediate removal of all the illegal settler
outposts, as Israel pledged to do under the
terms of the road map. They are not called
"unauthorized outposts" by the defense
minister's office - which goes to show that
they are actually legal, but some procedural
step was overlooked to make them completely
valid full-fledged settlements.

l A sample evacuation of an important settlement
in the Gaza Strip - the best candidate being
Netzarim. This has become an entrenched army
camp and is a thorn in the side of Palestinians
without contributing anything to Israel's
security. There are some who say that a major
move has to include a more extensive evacuation
of Gaza Strip settlements.

There is little likelihood that the government
will make these or similar moves. The
government today has no policy for "the
post-Arafat era." Perhaps it will devise such a
policy, but in the meantime its actions amount
to no more than putting out fires.

One of the results of this situation is that the
targeted assassinations have ceased to be a
means and have become policy. If so, Arafat's
expulsion will turn out to be only the first
before the next expulsion of a Palestinian
leader, and so on and so forth.

haaretz.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (8753)9/21/2003 4:28:00 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793745
 
BUT SERIOUSLY

Our Postsatirical World
It's hard to come up with anything more absurd than reality.

BY CHRISTOPHER BUCKLEY WSJ.com
Sunday, September 21, 2003 12:01 a.m.

I write--or try to write--under the general heading of satire, ever mindful of playwright George S. Kaufman's admonition that satire is what opens on Saturday night and closes Sunday. It's a living, I suppose, poking fun at politicians and the French, and every so often Barbra Streisand makes one's day by issuing a 25-page manifesto lecturing Democrats on how to win back a majority in Congress. In my line of work, that's the equivalent of what people in the business world call "low-hanging fruit."
Lately, though, there has been so much low-hanging fruit that you can't take a step in any direction without bumping into an overripe mango.

The Clinton years were very good to those of satirical ilk. If you Googled "Lewinsky" and "Leno" and "Letterman," your laptop would crash. But just when you thought it was safe to turn on your TV and rest up with a 16-part Ken Burns series on the Tennessee Valley Authority, the departing Bill Clinton pardoned a fugitive financier whose wife was a major donor to his party. In kayaking parlance, this is called a "wet exit." Say what you will, I miss the man.
We were still reeling from Election 2000 and the news that--hel-lo?--1,400 sincere but confused Gore voters in Palm Beach had gone walkabout from their gated communities and elected George W. Bush president by casting their ballots for Pat Buchanan. As Yogi Berra said, when informed that a Jewish man had been elected mayor of a town in Ireland, "Only in America."

The 37 days of Recount 2000 may have been a constitutional crisis for you, but not for those of us who make our daily bread razzing the grownups. Yet the Lord giveth and the Lord taketh. Sept. 11 was The Great Sobering, and for a while people asked if anything was ever going to be funny again, just as some had after the JFK assassination. ("Of course we'll laugh again," Daniel Patrick Moynihan told Mary McGrory at the time, "we'll just never be young again.")

But as the saying goes, time wounds all heals. This summer brought a veritable jungle of low-hanging California lemons, in the form of Recall 2003. What's this? A former Austrian bodybuilder who became a movie star playing a mass-murdering robot and married a Kennedy is running for governor of the world's fifth-largest economy? Moreover, that he is joined in this grail-quest by 134 other Templars, including Arianna Stassinopoulos, star of "My Big Fat Texas Divorce Settlement," plus the editor and founder of Hustler magazine, a porn actress and a vertically challenged former sitcom star who took umbrage when a radio show host asked him to name the vice president of the United States, on the grounds that it was obviously a trick question and anyway had nothing to do with his qualifications to administer a state the size of Iraq.
Does this require improving upon? The satirist's job is the same as a cook's: to simmer the raw ingredients over the stove until they're reduced to absurdity. But in a postsatirical world, the ingredients are so fresh, why bother cooking them? And now Mrs. Clinton is saying--unequivocally!--that she has no intention of running for president. I give up. Tennis, anyone?

Mr. Buckley is editor of Forbes FYI magazine. His latest book, "Washington Schlepped Here," was published recently by Crown.

Copyright © 2003 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved.



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (8753)9/21/2003 4:32:45 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793745
 
Jordan's Democracy Option

By Jackson Diehl - Op Ed
Washington Post
Sunday, September 21, 2003; Page B07

Potentates of the Middle East usually confine their non-official meetings in Washington to friendly business leaders or think-tankers. So when Jordan's King Abdullah launched his visit here last week with a breakfast for democracy and human rights activists, it was worth listening in.

The first question, from Freedom House, was about imprisoned journalists. Amnesty International asked about reports of torture. Others wanted to know about "honor killings" of women, international monitoring of future elections and reforms of the judiciary.

Abdullah, a 41-year-old graduate of Oxford and Georgetown, didn't contest any of the charges. He asked Amnesty for details "that will allow me to attack" the torture cases. He conceded his judiciary "was at square one" for professionalism and independence, that he was "ashamed" of the killings of women and that his first steps toward a freer media had been ineffective. He lamented the lack of political maturity in his newly elected parliament.

All that, promised the king, is going to change. "I know we have a long way to go," he told the group. "But we are at the beginning of a new stage in terms of democracy and freedom. If we are successful, if we can get our act together, we can be an agent other [Arabs] can use" to press for political liberalization.

The Bush administration's idea of a democratic transformation in the Middle East is still the object of general skepticism, if not ridicule, in Washington. Yet Abdullah is one of several Arab rulers who claim they believe in it -- who argue, in fact, that it must happen. "The leadership of the Middle East don't understand that 50 percent of the population is under 18, and if they don't get going to create some means for real political participation for these young people, they are going to have serious problems," he said.

The king's calculations are not only demographic, of course. Aides say he is preparing for the possibility that the U.S. mission in Iraq will succeed and that sometime in the next year an elected government will take power in Baghdad. Jordan, a resource-poor country increasingly dependent on trade concessions and aid from the United States, can't afford a fall from favor; so its strategy is to join Iraq as a regional model for reform. Or, at least, to promise such change to Washington.

Since the toppling of Saddam Hussein, such pledges also have been offered by the rulers of Qatar, Bahrain and even Saudi Arabia -- though so far, there has been little real change on the ground. Jumping on the liberalization bandwagon, or claiming to, is only one of several responses Arab regimes are toying with as the shock waves from Iraq continue to roll across them, as I saw in a visit to the region this month.

One approach is to embrace Iraqi democracy; another is to quietly smother it. At the Arab League meeting in Cairo this month, the region's autocrats cast themselves as joining with Iraq's unelected governing council in demanding "an end to the occupation." Like France, the Egyptian government of Hosni Mubarak says it would like to see sovereignty handed over to the Iraqis within weeks and U.S. troops withdrawn by next spring. That wouldn't leave time for elections -- which, for Mubarak's entrenched autocracy, is exactly the point.

Arab governments "are not concerned about the success or failure of the U.S. in Iraq," Egypt's veteran national security adviser, Osama Baz, bluntly told me and several other visiting journalists over dinner in Cairo. "They are worried about the consequences for themselves." Don't expect Egypt, Baz said, to supply troops or police to help its nominal American ally. On the other hand, he added, "we can help with the drafting of a constitution. We can help strengthen the governing council and the bureaucracy."

Egypt is betting, in other words, that ultimately it will be easier for Arab states than the United States to reshape Iraq. "You can't export the American system of democracy all over the world," Baz said pointedly. Abdullah, too, is tempted to meddle: Much of his private pitch to the Bush administration was an appeal for Iraq's minority but long-ruling Sunni population -- and a broadside at Ahmed Chalabi, the Shiite leader and Pentagon favorite who was once charged with bank fraud in Jordan. Jordanian officials insist that Chalabi is working to poison Jordanian-Iraqi relations; they even claimed to have evidence linking Chalabi to the bombing of the Jordanian embassy in Baghdad.

There may not be much the Bush administration can do about Mubarak, who, Egypt's democratic dissidents say, will ally himself with Islamic militants before he agrees to political liberalization. But if Washington can convince leaders such as Abdullah that it is serious about democracy in Iraq, the liberal agendas being advertised in Washington just might get implemented at home.

"We can be an Ireland, we can be a Switzerland -- I don't think that's farfetched," King Abdullah told the pro-democracy crowd. Surely they agreed when he added: "To achieve that, we have to make these changes."

washingtonpost.com