SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: MSI who wrote (13212)10/21/2003 3:00:20 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793914
 
The left complains about how they are treated by the media. I suggest they watch "West Wing," the Network version of the Clinton Administration, and then watch how the TV smears the right in "The Reagans." The writers, producers, etc, make no bones about their political slant.
________________________________________

October 21, 2003
Grumbling Trickles Down From Reagan Biopic
By JIM RUTENBERG

WASHINGTON, Oct. 20 — When it comes to their entertainment shows, the major broadcast networks tend to shy away from political controversy, lest they offend viewers, sponsors or congressmen with sway over federal regulators.

Next month, however, CBS will buck that convention with "The Reagans," a two-part mini-series that steps squarely into the spirited — and often partisan — debate over President Ronald Reagan's legacy.

As snippets about the television movie circulate in Washington and Los Angeles, friends and relatives of the ailing Mr. Reagan are expressing growing concern that this deconstruction of his presidency is shot through a liberal lens, exaggerating his foibles and giving short shrift to his accomplishments.

That the part of Mr. Reagan is played by James Brolin, who is married to the conservative bête noire Barbra Streisand and who makes no secret of his own liberal politics, only intensifies their fears.

"I fully expect this mini-series will be largely unfavorable to my dad," Michael Reagan, a radio talk-show host who reaches two million people each week, wrote recently in a column posted on various Web sites. He added, "Hollywood has been hijacked by the liberal left."

Marlin Fitzwater, who was the White House press secretary for two of Mr. Reagan's eight years in office, asked rhetorically in an interview: "Does it show he had the longest and strongest recovery in postwar history? That the economy, stimulated by the tax cuts, was creating something like 200,000 jobs a month, for years?"

In many ways the film follows the standard television biopic formula, sensationalizing the more controversial moments of the subject's life. But given that the main subject is a Republican hero, one who is now suffering from Alzheimer's disease, the events chosen for depiction — and those left out — are sure to come under harsh scrutiny from Mr. Reagan's supporters, who are increasingly protective of his reputation and already suspicious of Hollywood.

"The Reagans," according to the final version of the script obtained by The New York Times, does give Mr. Reagan most of the credit for ending the cold war and paints him as an exceptionally gifted politician and a moral man who stuck to his beliefs, often against his advisers' urgings.

But there is no mention of the economic recovery or the creation of wealth during his administration, key accomplishments to his supporters. Nor does it show him delivering the nation from the malaise of the Jimmy Carter years, as his supporters say he did.

The details the producers do choose to stress — like Mr. Reagan's moments of forgetfulness, his supposed opinions on AIDS and gays, his laissez-faire handling of his staff members — often carry a disapproving tone.

Nancy Reagan, who is played by Judy Davis, does not get light treatment either. While the script portrays Mrs. Reagan as a loyal and protective wife, it also shows her as a control addict, who set the president's schedule based on her astrologer's advice and who had significant influence over White House personnel and policy decisions.

CBS officials and the filmmakers said the mini-series would ultimately be judged as fair when it is shown on Nov. 16 and 18. They said they were simply trying to tell a historically accurate story that included the good along with the ugly, all from respected biographies and other source material. "This was very important for me, to document everything and give a very fair point of view," said Leslie Moonves, the CBS chairman.

The film's producers, Neil Meron and Craig Zadan — who have done a number of successful made-for-television movies including those about Judy Garland and Dean Martin and Jerry Lewis — said no major event was depicted without at least two confirming sources, though they said they took dramatic liberty in some spots. the film was approved by lawyers at CBS and the main production studio, Sony Pictures Television.

"It's not painted in black and white," Mr. Zadan said, "but in blacks, whites and grays, many variations of gray."

The plot begins tamely enough. A dashing Ronald Reagan, recently divorced from Jane Wyman and the president of the Screen Actor's Guild, is introduced to a young Nancy Davis by the director Mervyn LeRoy and quickly falls in love. There are a number of admiring scenes, including those showing Mr. Reagan rebuffing his advisers to push ahead with negotiations with the Soviets and others depicting him as a devoted husband. And the movie accepts his assertion that he knew nothing of the illegal diversion of funds to the contras fighting in Nicaragua.

"The Reagans" takes sides on plenty of issues and incidents that are vigorously contested by biographers, and some that are historically questionable. In one early scene Mr. Reagan's talent agent, Lew Wasserman, tells him that his anti-Communist activism is hurting his career. "People know you're an informer for the blacklist," Mr. Wasserman says. Mr. Reagan replies, "I've never called anybody a Commie who wasn't a Commie."

Mr. Reagan was long suspected of supplying names to the Hollywood blacklist but denied it. F.B.I. records show he cooperated with agents investigating communism in Hollywood, but historians disagree about whether his assistance was of any real significance.

The script also accuses Mr. Reagan not only of showing no interest in addressing the AIDS crisis, but of asserting that the patients of AIDS essentially deserved their disease. During a scene in which his wife pleads with him to help people battling AIDS, Mr. Reagan says resolutely, "They that live in sin shall die in sin" and refuses to discuss the issue further.

Lou Cannon, who has written several biographies about Mr. Reagan, said such a portrayal was unfair. "Reagan is not intolerant," he said. "He was a bit asleep at the switch, but that's not fair to have him say something that Patrick Buchanan would say."

Elizabeth Egloff, a playwright who wrote the final version of the script, acknowledged there was no evidence such a conversation took place. But, she said, "we know he ducked the issue over and over again, and we know she was the one who got him to deal with it." She added that other biographies noted that Mr. Reagan had trouble squaring homosexuality with the Bible. In "Dutch," Mr. Reagan's authorized biography, the author, Edmund Morris, writes that Mr. Reagan once said of AIDS, "Maybe the Lord brought down this plague," because "illicit sex is against the Ten Commandments."

Another likely controversial moment in the television movie comes in a scene that implies strongly that President Reagan's inspiration for the Star Wars space-based system was a 1940 movie in which he starred, "Murder in the Air." Some experts have said that the film may have influenced Mr. Reagan's decision to sign off on the program. Others have dismissed such claims as overemphasized by liberals.

Mrs. Reagan, meanwhile, comes across in the script as her husband's protector, constantly fending off ambitious and amoral political operatives. But in depicting the control she exerted, not only over his schedule but over more substantive decisions, the television movie makes some controversial claims.

The final shooting script heavily implies that Mrs. Reagan, in agitating for the resignation of Alexander M. Haig Jr., President Reagan's first secretary of state, went so far as to write his resignation letter. But no account holds that Mrs. Reagan wrote such a letter. After a consultation in response to a reporter's question, the filmmakers decided last week to remove that scene from the film, saying they would have deleted it in any case.

Mrs. Reagan's associates said she was most likely to be upset about scenes in which she is shown keeping her children at arm's length and those in which she takes prescription pills, as detailed in "The Way I See It," the memoir of the Reagans' daughter, Patti Davis.

Mrs. Reagan had no comment for this article. John Barletta, a former Secret Service agent who served the Reagans and maintains contact with Mrs. Reagan, said he had spoken with her about the film. "She kind of said, `Well, hopefully it won't be that bad,' " he said.

He said he had his own concerns about the film because "when it comes to the Hollywood people, they're all very liberal against him."

Mr. Zadan and Mr. Meron, acknowledge their liberal politics, as do the stars of the television movie, Mr. Brolin and Ms. Davis. But Mr. Meron, said: "This is not a vendetta, this is not revenge. It is about telling a good story in our honest sort of way. We all believe it's a story that should be told."

Nonetheless some involved in the making of "The Reagans" said in interviews that they were girding for a considerable outcry from some of Mr. Reagan's more die-hard supporters.

"With the climate that has been in America since Sept. 11, it appears, from the outside anyway, to not be quite as open a society as it used to be," Ms. Davis said during an interview at her hotel in Montreal. "By open, I mean as free in terms of a critical atmosphere, and that sort of ugly specter of patriotism."

She added, "If this film can help create a bit more questioning in the public about the direction America has been going in since the 1970's, I guess then I think it will be doing a service."

Mr. Brolin said he, too, hoped that the film would prompt Americans to be more suspect of their leaders. "We're in such a pickle right now in our nation," he said, "that maybe if learn something from this."

Mr. Morris, Mr. Reagan's biographer, said he had some misgivings about the mini-series, given the political leanings of the producers and actors.

"The provenance of the movie makes me suspect it will not be fair," he said. But he added that it could also work as a reality check on Mr. Reagan's record.

"The best thing one can say about a movie of this kind," he said, "is it does redress or counteract the sentimentalities that are being perpetrated all of the time in his name by his fanatical followers."
nytimes.com



To: MSI who wrote (13212)10/21/2003 4:44:20 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793914
 
Is Dean too much of an Aristocrat for the masses?
_______________________________________________


THE NATION

Dean's Success May Hinge on Luring Blue-Collar Votes
Popularity with college graduates might not be enough to capture the nomination, experts say.
By Ronald Brownstein
Times Staff Writer

October 21, 2003

WASHINGTON — Can Howard Dean escape the Starbucks ghetto?

New polls in Iowa and New Hampshire, the critical first two states in the Democratic presidential race, show the former Vermont governor dominating among voters with a college degree — the sort of people more likely to stop at Starbucks than a doughnut shop in the morning. But in both states he is showing much less strength among voters who did not graduate from college.

That sharp educational divide has been a driving force in every recent Democratic race involving candidates, like Dean, who positioned themselves as Washington outsiders and reformers. In those contests, the inability to sufficiently connect with blue-collar and less-educated voters ultimately helped doom contenders like Gary Hart in 1984, Paul Tsongas in 1992 and Bill Bradley in 2000, all of whom generated enthusiasm among better-educated voters.

Many of Dean's rivals believe that he faces the same risk if he cannot build more support among blue-collar voters, especially after the race contracts to a two- or three-person contest after the initial primaries.

"At the end of the day, you've got to be able to span the party to win," said David Axelrod, a top advisor to Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina. "Certainly there is a working-class base to our party, and the ability to relate to those voters is very, very important."

Other analysts, however, believe that because the Democrats over the last decade have grown increasingly dependent on support from more-affluent and better-educated voters, Dean may be able to win the nomination primarily with their backing — especially if voters without college degrees don't unify around one of his rivals.

But almost all Democrats, including senior advisors in Dean's camp, agree that he will face long odds as a nominee against President Bush if he cannot make greater inroads among blue-collar and noncollege voters, especially men.

"Does this mean he can't win the nomination? The answer is: He can win the nomination," said Tony Coelho, a campaign chairman for Al Gore in 2000. "Does this mean real problems for the general election? The answer is also yes."

Added a top Dean aide: "We are going to have to develop and broaden the message. I don't doubt that for a second."

The educational divide in Democratic presidential primaries — what Axelrod calls "the wine track" and "the beer track" — reflects the divided nature of the modern Democratic Party.

From Franklin D. Roosevelt's election in 1932 through the 1960s, the heart of the Democratic coalition was blue-collar and minority voters. Blue-collar whites often were conservative on social issues but were mainly drawn to the party to represent their economic interests.

But since the days of Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, many of these lunch-bucket Democrats have migrated toward the Republicans around such issues as taxes, crime and national security. That has reduced their overall influence in the Democratic Party.

In their place, Democrats have gained support since the 1970s from college-educated professionals — "lifestyle liberals" who back the party's positions on social concerns, such as abortion, gun control, the environment and foreign policy.

Over the last 20 years, the tension between the lunch-bucket and the lifestyle Democrats often has shaped the race for the party's presidential nomination. That contrast is emerging this year too.

In polls released last week by the Democracy Corps, a party advocacy group, Dean held a commanding lead among college-educated Democrats in Iowa and New Hampshire, the first two states to vote in January.

In Iowa, Dean led Rep. Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri among college-educated voters 36% to 15%, according to the survey, conducted by veteran Democratic pollster Stanley B. Greenberg. Among college-educated voters in New Hampshire, Dean crushed Sen. John F. Kerry of Massachusetts 45% to 19%, the survey found.

Among voters without a college degree, the story was very different. In Iowa, among voters with a high school degree or less, Gephardt led Dean by 42% to 16%; in New Hampshire, those voters preferred Kerry over Dean 29% to 23%. Voters with some college, but not a degree, narrowly preferred Gephardt in Iowa and Dean in New Hampshire.

Together, those results produced a virtual dead heat in Iowa — with Gephardt at 27% and Dean at 26% — and a comfortable 38% to 21% Dean lead over Kerry in New Hampshire.

Dean's strength among better-educated voters fits a long-standing tradition. Since the 1960s, these Democrats have favored candidates who position themselves as reform-minded outsiders, scorn politics as usual and embrace liberal positions on social issues and foreign policy. That lineage runs from Eugene McCarthy's anti-Vietnam War crusade against Lyndon B. Johnson in 1968 to George S. McGovern in 1972, and to Hart, Tsongas and Bradley.

These outsider candidates have always done well in New Hampshire, which has an unusually heavy concentration of college-educated voters. In Greenberg's poll, 60% of likely Democratic primary voters in New Hampshire held a college or post-graduate degree.

Such candidates have found fertile territory elsewhere in New England, in the upper Midwest and along the West Coast, where the share of college graduates in the population is also higher than the national average. That could lead to strong February showings for Dean in early-voting states such as Virginia, Washington, California, Connecticut, Maryland, New York and Minnesota.

But Dean's predecessors have struggled in the South and the Midwest, where college-educated voters are outnumbered by those without degrees. South Carolina, for instance, which is emerging as the marquee contest on Feb. 3, is the mirror image of New Hampshire: Just 39% of likely Democratic primary voters there have four-year degrees, Greenberg found. In Iowa, the number is 44%.

Several factors may help Dean improve on his predecessors' performance with noncollege voters. While Hart, Bradley and Tsongas were staunch free-traders, Dean is stressing a tough-on-trade message in which he promises to demand changes in the North American Free Trade Agreement. That stance could turn heads in blue-collar communities.

Dean's lead in the fund-raising race also will provide him with opportunities to target advertising and organizing efforts at less-educated voters.

Dean could benefit too if none of his rivals emerges quickly enough as the clear favorite among less-educated voters, as Walter F. Mondale did in 1984 or Bill Clinton did in 1992. Many believe Gephardt, with his populist economic message, skepticism on free trade and close ties to industrial unions, may be best-suited for that role. But he has been hindered by doubts, especially among key labor leaders, about his electability, and could face money shortages after the first contests.

Kerry's Vietnam experience could open the door with these Democrats, but his personal style isn't an easy fit. Edwards, who stresses his own blue-collar roots, and Wesley K. Clark, who can tout both a modest background and military experience, have potential assets with this group too. But apart from Gephardt in Iowa, no one has established as strong a base among noncollege Democrats as Dean has with the cap-and-gown set.

"What it is going to take to stop Dean is you need a candidate to combine the noncollege with some reasonable fraction of the college-educated voters," said Ruy Teixeira, an expert on the Democratic coalition at the Century Foundation, a liberal research organization based in New York. "You have to perform somewhat well there [among the college voters] and then kill him with that [noncollege] class of voters. The question is: Who is that guy?"

One senior Dean advisor says the campaign believes it's possible that no one will fill that position until Dean has already shown such strength that his momentum will stampede even noncollege voters toward him in the later states.

Yet this advisor acknowledges that the initial resistance to Dean among noncollege voters may be a warning sign for a general election. In Greenberg's polls, Dean displayed particular weakness in Iowa and New Hampshire among men without college degrees, a group trending away from Democrats for the last two decades.
latimes.com