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To: T L Comiskey who wrote (30761)10/29/2003 10:28:02 PM
From: Rick Faurot  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Pentagon Mulls Shifting Experts Away from Iraq Arms Hunt
Wed October 29, 2003 06:33 PM ET

By Will Dunham
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The Pentagon is considering shifting intelligence personnel in Iraq from the so-far fruitless search for weapons of mass destruction to strengthen efforts to combat the intensifying resistance, officials said on Wednesday.
"What's more important right now and what's more destabilizing: the insurgency or knowing about the WMD?" asked a defense official, speaking on condition of anonymity.
Officials said Pentagon leaders are considering reassigning a number of intelligence officers, interrogators, translators, linguists and others from the 1,400-member Iraq Survey Group, which is conducting the hunt for weapons of mass destruction.
President Bush cited what he said were Iraq's stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons to help justify the war that toppled President Saddam Hussein, but such arms have not yet been uncovered.
Any shifted staff would augment efforts to prevent further attacks like those that have killed dozens in Baghdad this week and better identify who is involved with the resistance, the officials said. For example, U.S. officials say they are uncertain about the level of activity inside Iraq of foreign Islamic radicals.
More U.S. troops -- 117 -- have been killed since Bush declared major combat over on May 1, surpassing the 115 killed during the actual war that toppled Saddam.
Lawrence Di Rita, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's chief of staff, said the United States was not diluting the effort to find the weapons of mass destruction.

"The ISG has a principal mission of WMD and that remains unchanged. And the emphasis remains unchanged," Di Rita said.
Di Rita said no decision has been reached on the reallocation of intelligence personnel, but other officials said it was very likely such a move soon would be made.
'NEEDS MORE COUNTER-TERRORISM RESOURCES'
Gen. John Abizaid, who as head of U.S. Central Command leads the military effort in Iraq, "feels strongly that he needs more counter-terrorism resources and he's going to get them," Di Rita said.
"And as the commander there he has an awful lot of authority to determine how resources are balanced."
Abizaid and Paul Bremer, the U.S. civil administrator for Iraq, have been in Washington meeting with Pentagon leaders this week.
"There is a finite number of linguists, translators, area experts, intelligence officers. And there are a lot of problems -- problems in dealing with the insurgency and problems dealing with other stuff. And so tough decisions have to be made," a U.S. official said on condition of anonymity.
Another option would be to add new intelligence personnel, including contractors, to the counter-insurgency effort without drawing from the Iraq Survey Group, officials said.

A CIA spokesman declined to comment on what CIA Director George Tenet's views were on the proposal to take people away from the weapons hunt. CIA adviser David Kay, who heads the Iraq Survey Group, reports to Tenet.
Kay's group began its work in June, taking over from another unit. In an interim report this month, Kay said no actual weapons have been found, but told reporters that "does not mean we've concluded there are no actual weapons."
The defense official said Kay's group has provided staff to counter-insurgency intelligence efforts "on a case-by-case basis" but the current proposal would be a broader siphoning of personnel away from the Iraq Survey Group.
"Since the weapons search is now down the road here going on six months or so, is the pace and workload for them easing up where you can do that or not? It's all a management of resources," the official said.



To: T L Comiskey who wrote (30761)10/30/2003 9:05:52 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
The Stranded Giant
________________________________

By Jacques Julliard
Le Nouvel Observateur
Tuesday 28 October 2003

Surprising Dozy-Doe! Up until the end of the war in Iraq (May 1, according to George Bush), United States’ diplomacy was worthless, while its army demonstrated its effectiveness. Since then, the reverse obtains: the army piles up failures, while diplomacy scores points: a revenge of the State Department on the Pentagon, of Colin Powell on Donald Rumsfeld, and also of George Bush on Jacques Chirac.

On the ground, the situation worsens daily. If water and electricity supply improve a little bit, insecurity grows. The number of attacks presently oscillates between 25 and 35 a day: it’s a real guerilla war. In the course of the two days, October 27 and 28 alone, seven major attacks took place in Baghdad, targeting Americans, Iraqi police stations, but also the Red Cross: in total, 43 dead and more than 300 wounded. Paul Wolfowitz, the Pentagon number 2, but the Number 1 hawk, barely missed becoming the most illustrious victim of “his” war. It is staggering all the same that a tyrant as odious as Saddam remains undetectable, and that his partisans, whose artisanal action is now relayed by the all Middle East’s finest Jihadists, continue to operate like fish in the water between the Tigris and the Euphrates, while the most powerful army in the world has become a target.

This army’s inaptitude for all tasks related to maintaining order is flagrant. The Conservatives, always ready to find the inspiration for their neo-imperialism in the examples of antiquity, should persuade themselves that a Roman style Imperium demands more than military superiority: there needs to be understanding of situations, quality intelligence about and a minimum of sympathy for populations: all elements that they hugely lack. Bush’s ridiculous triumphalism is contradicted by the doubts expressed by Rumsfeld himself. So here is America, stranded in the desert sands of Iraq after having been stuck in the mud of Vietnamese rice paddies: as soon as public opinion revives in a country anesthetized by September 11 and media brainwashing, domestic political consequences will be felt.

During this period, American diplomacy has carried off two successes which, although not stunning, interrupt the prior setbacks. On October 16, the U.S. got the U.N. Security Council to vote on Resolution 1511, which legitimizes the occupation of Iraq and the consignment of international reinforcements. France had exhausted its capacity for resistance with the battle of last winter and had in any case expected to let the American resolution pass, but Russia’s defection, which broke the ranks of the rejection front and favored direct negotiation with Washington, accelerated France’s adhesion. A Paris-Berlin-Moscow front is not about to happen any time soon. Nevertheless, the unanimity obtained was merely lip-service; France, Germany, Russia, and Pakistan will take good care not to send their soldiers to a war that is not theirs.

One could say as much for the Charity Gala for Iraqi reconstruction that took place in Madrid at the end of last week: 33 billion dollars were promised, of which 20 from the United States and about 8 from the World Bank and the IMF: i.e. at the moment of the offering, the faithful parishioners satisfied themselves by giving their pants’ buttons. In effect, no one cares to enrich the Halliburton company (former CEO: Dick Cheney) which continues to monopolize contracts. Tangled up in its war, paralyzed in its ulterior plans, impotent in Israel and Palestine, the Bush administration has lost none of its cynicism nor its arrogance.

George Bush reveals himself daily as a stubborn man, dead to the lessons of experience. At this rate, he won’t hesitate to squander all the credit and capital of sympathy his predecessors garnered for the United States. That’s why the necessity for an autonomous European policy is supported by the facts and will progressively come to be recognized by hearts and minds. By stating his adhesion to a structure of European Military Command outside NATO, alongside Gerhard Schroeder and Jacques Chirac, Tony Blair seems to have learned a lesson from the Iraqi misadventure: unconditional support for the United States doesn’t pay. The question of the relations between Europe and the United States within the Atlantic Alliance will no doubt dominate the next decade; in the immediate future and the year to come, the American voter has the final word.

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Jacques Julliard is the Nouvel Observateur’s Editorial Director

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Translation: Truthout French language correspondent Leslie Thatcher

truthout.org