To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (119092 ) 11/11/2003 4:12:21 AM From: Eashoa' M'sheekha Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500 His army chief of staff, Lieutenant-General Moshe Yaalon, caused a stir last week when he called in journalists to say that the government was courting disaster by trying to hold down the Palestinians in a vice-like grip without offering any realistic prospect of a peace deal. Israel, said the general, had been harsh and niggardly to Mr Abbas during his short-lived premiership. It should not behave in the same short-sighted way towards Mr Qurei. In an initial burst of fury, Mr Sharon demanded General Yaalon's apology or his head. But on cooler reflection the prime minister was apparently persuaded that the general's words, albeit constitutionally improper, reflect deep distress in the army high command and far beyond. “My door is always open to him,” an expansive Mr Sharon said this week. The prime minister faces other pressures at home. His Likud party took a drubbing in local elections last week. Party workers reported a worrying countrywide lassitude. An economy in recession, with Israel hovering this week on the brink of a general strike, is also sapping the Likud's strength and Mr Sharon's popularity. Investigations into his election finances and the business dealings of one of his sons may further undermine him. Watch your back The party's largest coalition partner, the centrist Shinui Party, is drafting a proposal for the evacuation of the Jewish settlement of Netzarim, in the heart of the Gaza Strip, where three soldiers, two of them women, were shot dead in their beds by a Palestinian infiltrator last month. Mr Sharon previously spurned any talk of “withdrawal under fire”. Now, sounding more tolerant, he says, “Let them present it, then we'll see”. Mr Sharon has expressed only fury, with no such hint of tolerance, for the “Geneva accord”, an unofficial blueprint for peace recently agreed among a group of Israeli and Palestinian politicians led by Yossi Beilin and Yasser Abbed Rabbo, both former ministers and official negotiators. Their effort, discreetly backed by the Swiss (hence its name) and other Europeans, has produced, in exhaustive detail after many months of wrangling, a much more specific deal than is offered, for instance, by the “road map” charted by President George Bush. The Geneva accord proposes a Palestinian state on almost all of the West Bank, with minor land swaps to let Israel annex certain Jewish settlements. Jerusalem would be partitioned and become the “capital of two states”. The Palestinian refugee problem would be comprehensively resolved through compensation and resettlement in the state of Palestine, with some modest resettlement (without an open-ended “right of return”) in Israel. Mr Sharon has condemned this idea as a betrayal. But an opinion poll found that two out of five Israelis would support it. Mr Beilin and his colleagues, among them some prominent Labour Party MPs, plan a big campaign to win over more minds. A similar unofficial accord worked out earlier this year by Ami Ayalon, a former director of the Shin Bet, and Sari Nusseibeh, a leading Palestinian moderate, has reportedly rounded up some 90,000 Israeli signatories and, more significantly, 60,000 Palestinian ones. Both these accords have won support from governments and commentators abroad. Both flow from the premise that time is running out for a two-state solution—and hence for Israel's survival as a Jewish state. Soon there will be more Palestinians than Israeli Jews living between the Jordan river and the Mediterranean. If the current stalemate persists, more Palestinians may stop aspiring to an independent state alongside Israel and start demanding one man one vote in a single state—where they would be the majority.