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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: michael97123 who wrote (16480)11/17/2003 11:27:27 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (4) | Respond to of 793626
 
Thats why to me 9/11 resembles 12/7 in some many ways.

Our arrogance before 911 was even worse than before 12/7. Nobody saw it coming. Nobody. Then combine the apparent Intel failure in Iraq and you wonder why we pay the CIA.



To: michael97123 who wrote (16480)11/17/2003 12:17:34 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793626
 
The Dueling Nightmares
Nominating Howard Dean, a fire-breathing New England liberal, might be dangerous for Democrats but less so than not nominating him

George Will - NEWSWEEK

Nov. 24 issue — Everyone who embarks on the pursuit of a party’s presidential nomination must, as in John Milton’s gloomy words, “scorn delights, and live laborious days.” By last week, all the Democratic candidates except Howard Dean must have wondered why they were doing this.

WELL, PERHAPS not the three antic candidates. Dennis Kucinich, Carol Moseley Braun and Al Sharpton are having the kind of fun that comes to those who, never having expected to win, have nothing to lose and perhaps lecture fees to gain.

And perhaps Wesley Clark, the incredibly shrinking candidate, is happy, even though in just seven weeks he has gone from being on the cover of NEWSWEEK to dropping out of Iowa and perhaps New Hampshire as well, where he has fallen to 4 percent. Still, he seems happy there in the durable bubble that seems to insulate him from reality. Having taken a crash course in the Democratic catechism, he has been denouncing what he says is the Bush administration’s attempt to suppress dissent. (“No administration should ever say that if you disagree with it that you’re not being patriotic.”) But last week he proposed, in effect, amending the First Amendment to prohibit dissent expressed by desecrating the flag. Perhaps the general, who has a habit of making lurid charges based on what he admits are rumors, has heard a rumor that there is a nation-threatening epidemic of flag burning.



Joseph Lieberman is reduced to bragging that some Democratic audiences boo him—these include labor audiences opposed to his free-trade views and other gatherings offended by his support for the war and, even more wicked, his support for school choice for poor children.
John Edwards says he is cheerful and optimistic and that Democrats will come to see that those qualities are needed to win a general election. But you can’t steal first base, so how does Edwards seduce a nominating electorate that is happiest being cranky? And as for John Kerry ... gracious.
Before the competition actually began, he was perhaps the most imposing Democratic front runner since another craggy New Englander, Maine’s Edmund Muskie. By last week, answering questions—actually, not answering them—about his firing of his campaign manager, he repeated 10 times his mantra that he did it to “change the dynamics.” It may have been the most comically robotic performance by a politician since Vice President Al Gore’s chant of “no controlling legal authority” in defense of his questionable fund-raising. During a conference call in which he informed his campaign staff that he had fired their manager, Kerry reportedly mispronounced an aide’s name and was heard eating dinner. Such minor atmospheric matters can become major elements in a ruinous perception of a 10-thumbed candidate.

Which leaves Dick Gephardt, the most formidable—probably the only formidable—obstacle to Dean’s nomination. If, but only if, Gephardt wins in Iowa, Dean can be denied the nomination.
Many Democrats, who believe that running against an abrasive tax-raising, antiwar New England liberal is George W. Bush’s dream, consider Dean’s nomination their worst nightmare. They have no knack for nightmares. It is possible that the worst Democratic disaster would result from not nominating Dean.
Democrats know that if Ralph Nader had not siphoned votes away from Gore—in Florida, especially, but in some other states, too—they would hold the White House today. They are heartened by the fact that there is as yet no sign of a significant independent candidacy that would splinter liberal voting. That could change if Dean does not win the nomination.
The arc of his candidacy, which already was impressive, has been up sharply in recent days. Because of his success in raising record amounts of money—largely thanks to his prescient use of the Internet—he opted out of public funding of his campaign, and has suffered no noticeable political cost. Two large, politically active unions have endorsed him. He has a large lead in money raised and in the demonstrated ability to keep raising it. He and his supporters will be bitter if he is beaten.
His true believers, with the steadfastness that comes from monomania, are energized by anger about the war. Gephardt, the likely nominee if Dean isn’t, voted for the war. If Gephardt wins, will disappointed Deanites bravely smile and sweetly say, “Jolly good. Beaten fair and square. Let’s all rally ‘round Dick. Never mind that he is one of the Washingtonians that our hero calls ‘cockroaches’ “?
Not likely. Many will go looking for an alternative candidate. Someone as much fun as the feisty Dean. Someone fueled by contempt for Democrats he considers morally squishy. Someone with national name recognition, a seasoned campaign staff, well-honed campaigning skills, a large cadre of true believers and an up-and-running money machine.
So, who might be the formidable independent candidate to win the votes of liberals disaffected from a Democratic Party that does not nominate Dean? Dean.

msnbc.com



To: michael97123 who wrote (16480)11/17/2003 1:14:43 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793626
 
Fred Barnes gives the Social Conservative's viewpoint.

Against Giddiness
From the November 24, 2003 issue: The president still has work to do to assure reelection
by Fred Barnes, for the Editors
Weekly Standard


REPUBLICANS ARE GIDDY. The economy is on the verge of a sustained boom. After nearly two years of a "jobless recovery," new jobs are being created in large numbers. Iraq is a problem--a big problem--but a midcourse correction in postwar policy may curb terrorist attacks and hasten a democratic government. And Democrats are about to nominate a presidential candidate with George McGovern's foreign policy and Walter Mondale's tax increases, a double whammy leading to unelectability. By all odds, President Bush should sail to reelection.

Sorry, but it's not that easy. For one thing, Democrats may not nominate Howard Dean, the antiwar, tax-raising liberal. He's the frontrunner and leads in the first primary state, New Hampshire. But New Hampshire voters take a perverse pleasure in knocking off frontrunners. Besides, even if Dean is the nominee, he's likely to make an ideological beeline to the center and confront Bush as an antiwar fiscal conservative with liberal social leanings who wants to stabilize Iraq, not bug out. Having locked up the left, he can concentrate on wooing the center by limiting his tax hike to the so-called wealthy and emphasizing health care, an issue that reliably favors Democrats. And the press would probably treat him not as an egregious flip-flopper, but as a wily pragmatist looking to outsmart Bush.

So the president still has work to do to assure reelection. The economy, spurred by Bush's tax cuts, can be left to its own devices. Iraq cannot. The most significant problem in Iraq is not the lack
of power granted the Iraqi Governing Council. It's the security situation. The terrorist attacks and Baathist guerrilla operations must not be allowed to linger deep into 2004 or Bush could pay a big political price. It may not make sense for voters to conclude an antiwar Democrat would handle Iraq better, but stranger things have happened. Pro-war Democrats voted for antiwar Eugene McCarthy in 1968 because they feared the war in Vietnam wasn't being won. Giving more authority to Iraqis won't solve the security threat. Only by eliminating the security threat will Iraq have a chance to emerge as a durable democracy.

Normally, a liberal Democrat who claims to be a fiscal conservative would pose no danger to a conservative Republican. But Bush's spending record is so awful (non-military expenditures up 8.7 percent in 2003) that Dean, for one, might make headway on the issue. After all, his fiscal record as Vermont governor wasn't all that bad. At the least, he could use the spending issue to take the edge off his liberalism and embarrass Bush. And no doubt former Treasury secretary Robert Rubin, his new book in hand, will travel the country, arguing that deficit reduction spawned the late 1990s boom. What can Bush do? Plenty. He can resist the temptation to settle for a Medicare bill that creates a prescription drug benefit but includes no cost-saving reforms. For now, a simple (and less costly) discount card for seniors would be more than adequate. He should also be ready to use his veto pen--for the first time--when appropriation bills with excessive spending reach his desk. Bush has wisely decided to campaign in 2004 for Social Security reform, which would help stave off insolvency.

Finally, there are social and religious conservatives to pay attention to. Bush adviser Karl Rove has worried aloud about 4million religious conservatives who failed to vote in 2000. Next year, Bush shouldn't expect his evangelical Christian faith, now well known, to lure them to the polls. He'll need to address their concerns--abortion, gay marriage, pornography, anti-Christian bias. Harping on these isn't necessary, but making his positions clear and unequivocal is. Bush made a gratuitous mistake at his last press conference by saying the country isn't ready to ban abortion. That may be true, but he'd have been smarter to focus on the next item on the pro-life agenda, making violence against unborn children a federal crime. Social conservatives need to be encouraged. They will be--if they're certain the president is on their side.

Republican strategists who sniff a landslide in the making may think none of this is required. Maybe they're right. There's no doubt Bush is far better off than his father was going into the 1992 election. But politics is a dynamic process characterized by wild swings. Just think if Saddam Hussein were captured or killed. Support for Bush's Iraq policy would jump 20 points instantly. But also consider the possible political consequences if the U.S. military suffered a dramatic setback in Iraq next year or if another 9/11-class terrorist attack occurred at home or if the economy had a hiccup or if a serious scandal struck the Bush administration. None of these is likely. But Bush needs to be strong enough politically to withstand such scenarios, especially in the not-farfetched event he faces a Democratic foe capable of making the presidential race competitive.

weeklystandard.com