SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: MSI who wrote (17333)11/23/2003 3:31:44 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793841
 
Absolutely shameful.

Where do you think the Crazies hang out? And where do you think Al Qaeda types would go to recruit sympathisers? You are being naive, MSI.



To: MSI who wrote (17333)11/23/2003 5:44:04 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793841
 
Has the country moved to the right? Certainly not! Just relax and don't worry about it, MSI.


Culture Clash
Conservative revolution? No -- just dazzlingly effective PR.
By Neal Gabler
Neal Gabler, a senior fellow at the Norman Lear Center at USC Annenberg, is author of "Life the Movie: How Entertainment Conquered Reality."

November 23, 2003

AMAGANSETT, N.Y. — All told, it has been a pretty good year for cultural conservatives. The New York Times, the primary target of conservative opprobrium, disgraced itself in scandal, the Fox News Channel continues to crush its cable competition, hipsters like Dennis Miller and Colin Quinn have defected to the right, corny Jay Leno is beating tart David Letterman in the ratings and a conservative revolt forced CBS into pulling a miniseries on the Reagans because its opponents said it was biased against the former president.

Not a bad run. But some conservatives think these events amount to more than just a winning streak. They see signs of a geological shift in the culture tipping the balance from the left to the right.

For decades, conservatives controlled the political agenda, even to the point of hijacking the nation for two years to concentrate on a popular president's moral lapses. The cultural agenda, however, was another thing. Though the country seemed to be tilting right politically, popular culture, if anything, seemed to be speeding toward increasing liberalization. Madonna and Britney Spears; Eminem and hip-hop generally; "The Daily Show," "South Park" and "The Man Show"; "American Pie" and dozens of other raunchy or violent movies that dominated the box office; even tattooed athletes — all testified to the power of America's free-spirited, contrarian strain. Conservatives could point only to the success of the now-canceled series "Touched by an Angel" as evidence of a largely untapped right-wing audience.

Not anymore, we're told. With the victory over CBS, conservative Internet gossip Matt Drudge boldly declared this to be the "second century of the media … where it's much more of a people-driven media."

One could certainly point to Sept. 11, 2001, as a cultural watershed that has transformed the nation. But American popular culture after 9/11 looks much like American culture before that fateful date. Still, there is unquestionably something new and important afoot in the culture.

The conservative declaration of victory is itself part of a large, complex process that gives the impression of a cultural revolution without actually effecting one. It is the phenomenon of a phenomenon — a great postmodernist gambit in which the buzz about something overwhelms the thing itself. It works, because what rivets and energizes the media doesn't have to be a real, measurable change in the cultural landscape, but the idea of a new phenomenon on that landscape. The media are in the phenomenon business, and if they turn the phenomenon into a revolution, so much the better.

One can see this postmodernist process at work nearly everywhere in the culture. Take "The Osbournes." Most everyone in America today knows who the Osbournes are, has read about them, heard about them or seen them on commercials or hosting award shows. But when you examine the ratings of their MTV television series that generated all the notoriety, you discover something remarkable. Even before its recent dip, almost no one watched the show. In a nation of roughly 280 million people, "The Osbournes" gets an audience of just about 3 million viewers, or slightly above 1% of the populace. So how does one account for the family's near-universal recognition?

One might conclude that the program existed not to be watched but to be written about or discussed. The show was an excuse to create a phenomenon, of which the Osbournes and those who marketed them were the beneficiaries. They were popular for appearing to be popular.

Frankly, one can say the same thing about almost everything in America today, save for films and television programs that do appeal to a sizable audience. Though this process is little remarked upon, it has profound implications for the culture, suggesting a psychological shift at least as important as the supposed one after 9/11: that watching entertainment now seems less gratifying than knowing about it.

In the context of cultural politics, the implications are no less profound. Everyone who follows the media knows that we live in an increasingly conservative society. Everyone knows that conservative talk radio is a dominant force and that Rush Limbaugh alone attracts 20 million listeners weekly. Everyone knows that the Fox News Channel — on which I am a contributor — has drained millions of viewers from the broadcast networks. Everyone knows that millions of Americans mobilized against CBS' Reagan miniseries.

Yet, everything that everyone knows in the preceding paragraph is absolutely false. In sheer numbers, conservative talk radio is still a relatively small phenomenon, and Limbaugh's aggregate audience of 20 million — if you assume that most of his die-hard fans listen to him daily — is probably closer to 4 million or 5 million. Fox News is unquestionably a cable success story, but, excluding major news stories, at best it attracts an audience of 2 million — not even in the same league as the least-watched broadcast news report and a blip on the larger demographic screen. After more than a week of constant, highly publicized agitation, CBS reportedly received 80,000 e-mails protesting the Reagan miniseries, not exactly a populist wildfire.

Here's the truth: Even after 9/11 reputedly turned us into a nation of flag-waving patriots, even after Fox News Channel torpedoed the liberal media, even after the drumbeat of Limbaugh, even after Dennis Miller decided to forgo humor for attacks on Bill Clinton and even after the Reagans were saved from liberal calumnies, the country, according to both a recent Washington Post/ABC News poll and a Pew Research Center poll, is almost exactly evenly divided between those who lean left and those who lean right. Evenly divided. All of which means that the conservatives haven't made a huge dent politically and, again from the looks of things, have made less than a dent culturally, especially since political and cultural proclivities do not always lean in the same direction. There are an awful lot of Republicans, evidently, who like Eminem and "South Park."

So, why all this talk of conservative ascendancy? In a sense, it's pure invention. What conservatives have been able to do is deploy the same postmodernist techniques that celebrities have been using for decades, and for the same purpose: to make the buzz into the buzz. Like the Osbournes, conservatives take their little triumphs and package them as phenomena, which the media — including the conservative media — eagerly retail to the public. Blogger Andrew Sullivan, for example, calls the new cultural trend "South Park Republicanism" because "South Park" has taken its whacks at political correctness and other liberal shibboleths. But whether or not there is such a thing as South Park Republicanism, the idea is media-genic because it suggests something big is happening that the media want to be in on. You just whisper it into what critics of the right have called the "right-wing echo chamber" — of conservative talk radio, Fox News, various conservative publications and now conservative blogs — and it turns into a roar that the mainstream media cannot ignore. In short, the new cultural revolution is a sound-effects machine.

Nearly 40 years ago, historian Daniel Boorstin coined the term "pseudo-events" to describe things like premieres, photo ops and publicity stunts: They have no inherent value and exist only to be covered by the media. The right wing has now devised a pseudo-politics, of which the "conservative revolution" is a primary feature. It may look like the real thing, sound like the real thing and, most important, be covered by the media as if it were the real thing, but it is essentially just a way to gain media attention, which is usually enough to convince people that it is the real thing. If the objective of cultural politics is to win adherents, the objective of this postmodernist pseudo-politics is to convey the idea that you have already won adherents — that the revolution has already occurred and power has been transferred.

American culture is a constant, continuing transaction between new and subversive ideas, forms and entertainers that originate at the margins of the culture and then eventually get mainstreamed while the margins continue to serve up the new. This is a liberalizing process, but it isn't necessarily confined to a liberal audience because all but the most Neanderthal and anhedonic of conservatives are just as likely to enjoy these entertainments as left-wingers are. Still, it means that the popular culture, at least, is unlikely ever to become conservative in any meaningful way unless liberalism is so widely embraced some day that conservatism becomes the radical, subversive alternative to it.

Until then, a few conservative swipes at CBS or a few million viewers at the Fox News Channel or even a few "South Park" fans who identify themselves as Republicans won't signify a shift in the cultural balance of power. They simply provide excuses for the media to label it as one.

latimes.com



To: MSI who wrote (17333)11/23/2003 9:01:43 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793841
 
Trade Ministers Get Out of Dodge
by SARAH ANDERSON

THE NATION

It was as though US and Brazilian trade negotiators feared that if they spent one more minute in Miami, the fragile image of harmony they have struggled to project would shatter in a million pieces. Thus, the thirty-four trade ministers gathered here for talks on a proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas were hustled to a photo-op closing of their meeting last night, a day ahead of schedule.

The ministers' final declaration essentially lays out a road map for a free-trade non-agreement. Caving in to pressure from Brazil and other nations, US officials agreed to allow countries to pick and choose which parts of the final FTAA they will sign on to, in addition to some minimal, as yet undetermined mandatory obligations.

If the reaction of the big-business community is any barometer, the new "FTAA à la carte" approach is good news for free-trade critics. Frank Vargo, president of the National Association of Manufacturers, complained that "this is not what we want and we have some serious concerns." NAM members had been salivating over the prospect of an FTAA based on the North American Free Trade Agreement, which granted new protections for international investors and stripped the power of governments to impose conditions on foreign investment. But the hollowed out FTAA approach agreed to in Miami will allow Brazil, South America's largest economy and arguably the most restrictive on foreign investment, to opt out of regulations that would proscribe its ability to regulate foreign investors.

When they decided to adjourn early, trade ministers may also have been considering the interests of the City of Miami, which budgeted some $12 million for costs related to the meeting, most of it for security. Downtown Miami was shuttered for most of the five-day event, and local businesses and residents are wondering whether the government overreacted.

The economic costs are particularly questionable given that Miami police overestimated the number of protesters by as much as 90 percent. Law enforcement claimed that as many as 100,000 demonstrators were likely to converge on the city, whereas the Miami Herald quoted actual police estimates on Thursday as somewhere between 8,000 to 10,000. Rally organizers put the number closer to 30,000, although turnout would have been far higher had police not blocked nearly ninety buses carrying retirees from entering the downtown area to participate in the permitted rally and march.

Nevertheless, the broad coalition of groups, including the AFL-CIO, Citizens Trade Campaign, Jobs With Justice, the Miami Workers Center and others that came together for Miami were successful in pulling off the first major anti-corporate globalization demonstration since the September 11 attacks. Despite a difficult organizing environment (local Spanish-language TV was particularly hostile to the protesters), crowds for most events all week were large and spirited. AFL-CIO president John Sweeney also proudly announced that the voices of people around the country would be expressed when ministers received a half-million ballots against the FTAA that were collected nationwide over the past year. (This is in addition to several million more collected in other countries of the hemisphere.)

British folk-rocker Billy Bragg was a stalwart presence throughout the week, performing with an ensemble of blues, hip-hop, country and folk musicians at a People's Gala on Wednesday night, the rally yesterday and an informal reception last night. "You can't change the world by singing songs," Bragg told a group of protesters at the Doubletree Hotel. "But hopefully we can encourage and inspire the activism that can." He urged people to make a real commitment to social change instead of being like "the people who buy Sandinista by The Clash and feel like they've done their bit."

Of course the images that attracted the media were those of the clashes between protesters and the massive police presence. But even these were fleeting. One local TV station anchor excitedly cut to a correspondent who had reported "some movement." But when the cameras focused in, the reporter was standing in the middle of a deserted street and, like a disappointed wildlife tour guide, could only say, "Well, the anarchists were here a minute ago."

Medics for the direct action protesters reported about 100 injuries from tear gas and rubber bullets fired by the police. Law enforcement reported at least 141 arrests over the course of the week. Some were clear cases of misuse of authority. For example, police detained one New Jersey teenager for riding a bicycle downtown in the middle of the night and refusing to tell officers what he was doing. His bail was set at $20,000.

US trade negotiators are no doubt relieved to be heading back to Washington, far away from their uppity developing-country counterparts and a global justice movement that has regained its momentum.

This article can be found on the web at
thenation.com