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Politics : GENEVA ACCORD -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: GST who wrote (25)12/4/2003 10:30:26 PM
From: marcos  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 190
 
John Soileau is a civil and productive poster worth reading, i know him from an insane stock thread a few years ago, where he was one of few periodically injecting intelligence .... so i wouldn't write this thread off on account of a few no-minds, they'll probably get bored and go back to the Dubya thread .... overview piece from The Economist -

' Israeli and Palestinian moderates have signed an alternative peace plan that deals with supposedly intractable issues, such as shared sovereignty and refugees’ right of return. But their governments remain to be convinced

TEN years after the Oslo peace process was launched with similar fanfare in Washington, on Monday December 1st Palestinian and Israeli negotiators met in Switzerland to seal a comprehensive peace agreement between their warring nations, known as the Geneva accord. Under it, Israel would withdraw from most of the Palestinian territories it occupied in the 1967 war. The Palestinians would accept shared sovereignty in occupied East Jerusalem and effectively give up their refugees’ right of return to their homes in what was once Palestine but is now Israel. Dignitaries and politicians from America, Europe and the Arab world applauded the historic compromise in a star-studded ceremony. The accord’s two main authors—Yossi Beilin, a former Israeli justice minister, and Yasser Abed Rabbo, a former Palestinian information minister—are expected to meet Colin Powell on Friday. The American secretary of state has welcomed the “peace”.

It isn’t a real peace, of course, and not simply
because the hope raised by Oslo has long been
washed away by the despair of the Palestinians’
armed struggle, or intifada. Neither the dozens
of Palestinians nor the 200 Israelis at Geneva
were there as representatives of their
governments. Yasser Arafat, the president of
the Palestinian Authority (PA), has blessed the
enterprise without endorsing the outcome. Ariel
Sharon, the Israeli prime minister, denounced
the accord before once again nailing his colours
to the “road map”—a peace plan sponsored by
the so-called Quartet (America, the European
Union, Russia and the United Nations)—which
collapsed in the summer. On Tuesday Mr
Sharon's deputy, Ehud Olmert, went so far as
to say that it would be a mistake for Mr Powell
to meet the Geneva negotiators. Mr Powell
rejected the advice, asking: “Why should we
not listen to others who have ideas?”

The Geneva peace agreement has a long way
to go before it replaces the road map or topples
the Palestinian or Israeli governments. But it
has shaken all three. Four of the Palestinian
signatories nearly bailed out from the Geneva
ceremony, alarmed by the rising tide of protest
the concessions on Jerusalem and refugees
have caused among the Palestinian factions,
including Mr Arafat’s Fatah movement. The
fall-out among Israelis has been similarly
pronounced. Since the Geneva Accord was first
drawn up, they have been swamped with a
plethora of other “peace plans”: the settlers
have proposed Jewish and Arab cantons in
“Judea, Samaria and Gaza” (as they call the
occupied territories); the opposition Labour
Party has promoted an agreement that mirrors
Geneva in outline while differing with it on
detail; and Mr Sharon has been forced to face
down all of these proposals with an ill-defined
“initiative” of his own, which he has said he
would pursue if the road map goes nowhere.

First, says Mr Sharon, he will seek to revive the
road map by talking to the PA’s new prime
minister, Ahmed Qurei. To increase the chances
of such talks bearing fruit, the Israeli leader has
quietly dropped his precondition that the PA’s
security forces engage in “a real war” against
militant groups like Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Mr
Sharon has also hinted that he may evacuate a
few Jewish settlements. However, if these
efforts fail, he will replace a negotiated solution
with an imposed one. The Palestinians assume
this means the establishment of new borders
that would leave a future Palestinian state with
less than half the West Bank and perhaps not all of Gaza.

This is unlikely to happen anytime soon, if only because of a revived American interest in the road map. For the first time in months, America’s envoy to the peace process, William Burns, has been in the region. In meetings over the weekend he told Mr Qurei there could be no substitute for rooting out the “terrorist infrastructure” of Hamas and Islamic Jihad. He also told Mr Sharon that Israel would have to dismantle settlement outposts and freeze settlement construction in the occupied territories, as it is bound to do under the road map. Mr Sharon has said he is prepared to remove some—but not all—of the 60 outposts established during his tenure as prime minister. He has said and done nothing about a construction freeze.

As for Mr Qurei, he is awaiting the outcome of talks between the various Palestinian factions meeting in Cairo this week. He wants them to agree a ceasefire so that he has something in his hand when he finally sits down with Mr Sharon. In return for a truce he will demand that Israel stop military incursions like the one that ended with three Palestinians dead and 30 arrested in Ramallah on Monday. He will also insist Israel end construction of the barrier in and around the West Bank. Mr Sharon says the barrier is vital for Israel’s security. The Palestinians say it is charting the borders of their future “provisional” and utterly unviable state.

Mr Qurei is unlikely to get very far. His Israeli counterpart has made it clear he regards the Palestinian terms for a return to the road map as every bit as pie-in-the-sky as the accord signed in Geneva. “No [Palestinian] conditions will be accepted, whether they concern ceasing construction of the separation fence or dismantling it or any other demands,” Mr Sharon told his cabinet on Sunday.'

economist.com