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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (20424)12/18/2003 11:16:55 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793691
 
Poland Takes Pride in Assertive Stance Toward Neighbors
By MARK LANDLER New York Times

WARSAW, Dec. 18 — Poland is on the outs with much of Europe these days, but to judge from the defiance of its top officials, opposition leaders and ordinary Poles, that suits people here just fine.

The country has been in a chest-thumping mood since last weekend, when Poland and Spain broke up a summit meeting on the new European constitution by refusing to yield to demands by France and Germany that they accept a new, less favorable voting system for the European Union.

"Poland needs to stand up for itself," said Katarzyna Lukomska, 40, a midwife who was shopping for a winter hat this week. "We can only stand to gain from it in the long run."

That is very much a matter of debate. Europe's paymasters, led by France and Germany, are petitioning to freeze the union's budget — a move seen by some as a form of payback to Poland, which expects to be a prime recipient of European aid after it joins the union in May.

Yet even the threat of financial retaliation has not dented the enthusiasm of Poles for the hard line taken by their leaders. Prime Minister Leszek Miller, who arrived at the summit meeting in Brussels in a wheelchair, nursing injuries from a helicopter crash, has reversed a downturn in his political fortunes.

While the dispute centered on the arcane question of how to apportion the voting rights of the different members of the union, it has laid bare deep-seated feelings of resentment and insecurity, as well as a new assertiveness, on the part of Poles.

Despite a population of 39 million and by far the largest economy in Central Europe, many here fear that Poland will not be treated as a full partner in a greater Europe.

"We keep seeing ourselves as a small country," Danuta Hübner, the minister for European affairs, said in an interview. "In fact, Poland is a big country. We are half of what is joining Europe in terms of population. We should have the responsibilities that come with being a big country."

Such talk is heard more and more often these days. Five months before it adds 10 new countries with 75 million people, the European Union seems to be cleaving into two camps — one centered on France and Germany, the other encompassing an assortment of bantam and middleweight countries.

This latest crisis erupted two weeks after Germany and France effectively vitiated the fiscal rules that govern the countries using the euro as their common currency, refusing to bring their budget deficits under a mandated ceiling.

For Europe's smaller countries — as well as would-be members, who are dutifully bringing their finances into line with European standards — the impunity with which France and Germany acted suggests that the union keeps a different rulebook for its biggest members.

In Poland's case, the frictions with Germany and France have been aggravated by Warsaw's staunch support of the American-led war on Iraq, which Berlin and Paris just as staunchly opposed.

After the meeting in Brussels fell apart, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder of Germany bitterly criticized Poland and Spain, though not by name. Two countries, he said, had been "unable to change their way of thinking and acting." They had "left the European idea behind" in pursuit of their own interests.

Ms. Hübner, who is expected to be appointed Poland's representative on the European Commission next year, shrugs off Mr. Schröder's remarks with a serene smile.

Poland, she said, has little choice but to cling to the rules that were hammered out in hard-fought negotiations three years ago in Nice. Under that agreement, Poland and Spain were each awarded nearly the same number of votes as the more populous France, Germany, Britain and Italy.

Germany and France are seeking to insert rules into the constitution that would shift power back to the bigger countries, by ensuring that decisions could be passed if a majority of countries representing at least 60 percent of the union's population voted in favor of them.

"We based our prereferendum campaign on the Nice formula," Ms. Hübner said, referring to the ballot here last June in which 77 percent of voters favored joining the European Union. "It would be very difficult to have to tell people, `What you voted for is no longer the case.' "

But the lopsided margin suggests that Poles would have voted for the union, whatever the voting arrangements. Few here dispute that joining Europe will bring more benefits than costs.

Still, the Nice accord has become a touchstone. A prominent Polish opposition leader, Jan Rokita, summed up the feeling when he declared, "Nice or death" — a sound bite that instantly became a slogan.

The issue, simply put, is one of respect. People here believe that Poland, by dint of its size, warrants special treatment. Beyond that they believe that Germany, historically one of Poland's oppressors, and France, historically Poland's champion, need to be curbed.

"The Nice treaty keeps a balance between old, rich countries and new emerging countries," said Waclaw Rejdych, 43, a businessman doing Christmas shopping. "I don't want to be penalized because Germany has a much bigger economy than Poland."

But most Poles, perhaps reflecting their bruised history, fully expect that they will be penalized. "There's no question that France and Germany will use money to punish Poland," said Elzbieta Jozwik, a university student. "That's what strong nations do to weaker ones."

The immediate winner from the standoff was Prime Minister Miller, who leads Poland's Social Democrats. Mr. Miller had been plagued by scandals and swooning opinion poll numbers when a helicopter he was riding in crashed in a forest outside Warsaw on Dec. 4. The impact fractured two of his vertebrae.

He soldiered through the summit meeting, against the advice of doctors, before returning home to the hospital. In a show of support as rare as it may be fleeting, Poland's political establishment lined up behind him.

Mr. Miller told the newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza that the dispute might delay the adoption of a European constitution for at least the first half of next year.

Not everybody here applauds Poland's intransigence. Marek Ostrowski, a leading foreign affairs commentator, said it was less a principled stand than a display of Poland's insecurities and pathologies.

Rather than defer to Poland, Mr. Ostrowski predicted, Germany and France will find a way to bypass it. He also questioned why Poland was so intent on cultivating an "exotic alliance" with Spain instead of working to close the gap with its natural partner, Germany.

"It serves no purpose at all," he said. "It is just an exercise in national pride to serve a domestic audience."

nytimes.com



To: Nadine Carroll who wrote (20424)12/18/2003 11:43:05 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793691
 
IOWAHAWK: In New York, Scrappy Local Newspaper Struggles For Survival
[Michelle Malkin at NRO says the Times is facing another embarrassing Jason Blair-type scandal. Instead of commenting I'm just going to recycle this completely plagiarized version of one of my old CNS columns, which itself was completely fantasized. - ed.]

New York, N.Y. - Like the corpses that lazily bob along in the nearby East River, life obeys its own pace in this isolated island community of 8 million in southern New York State.

It is an ancient pace, its cadence dictated by the steady whirr and click-a-clack of word processors, plied by the gnarled hands of skilled opinion craftsmen who once supplied nearly eighty percent of the world's refined punditry output.

To some ears, the din from the mighty opinion mills of this gritty Ink Belt town may be grating; but it has served as a siren call for generations of hungry immigrant OpEd workers.

Each year they come here, from Cambridge and Ithaca and New Haven, young and eager social critics seeking nothing more than an honest day's wage for an honest day's condescension, and perhaps a decent squab pate in white wine reduction.

For the newest generation of polemic workers, though, the promise of that simple Anti-American Dream seems ever more distant. Most of the mills have long fallen silent, tragic victims of cheap foreign radio talk shows and the growing monopoly of multinational corporate blogs.

Now, even the grandest of the old mills - the venerated New York Times 34th Street Opinion Works - stands at risk. A recent spate of quality control problems, product recalls, management turmoil and a painful round of layoffs is leading many here to worry if the plant is destined to go the way of automats, five cent Cokes and international socialism.

A Family Affair

Like the fertile farms of Iowa and the lucrative protection rackets of New Jersey, New York's newspapers are a family enterprise. And, for the Times, that family is the Sulzbergers.

The family dynasty dates back to 1896, when financier Adolf Ochs purchased the struggling Times for $70,000. Defying his many skeptics, Ochs soon built the Times into a powerhouse. He introduced such innovations as the words 'esne' and 'ern,' which made possible the first crossword puzzle. In 1903 the Times published the first illustrated corset advertisement for Gimbles, creating an awkward sensation among 13-year old boys.

Under Ochs, the Times carefully honed a market niche as purveyor of progressive opinions to New York's growing upper class. Many well-heeled townsmen valued the paper's growing heft, which proved a useful tool for fending off pleading gutter urchins and ragged little match girls.

Ochs retired in 1927, passing control of the factory to son in-law Arthur H. Sulzberger. Under Sulzberger's leadership the Times branched out internationally, sending famed ace reporter Walter Duranty to the Soviet Union to chronicle the annual record wheat harvests from the Ukraine.

The elder Sulzberger remained at the helm from the New Deal through the New Frontier, a period in which the Times garnered praise for its growing professionalism and gravitas. Cartoons were dropped in 1954 in favor of columnist Anthony Lewis, a bold gambit at seriousness that was not detected by readers until 1961.

Control of the business passed to his son, Arthur O. "Punch" Sulzberger, in 1963. Some doubted whether the new scion would measure up to his legendary father and grandfather, but he quickly proved the skeptics wrong.

The tumultuous Sixties were an unprecedented period of growth for the business, as Sulzberger shrewdly positioned the Times to capitalize on the growing demand for liberal opinions.

"They really had a knack for listening to their customers," says Irwin Rothbard, professor of Marketing at New York University's Stern School of Business. "Before columnists would publish an OpEd, they would always carefully test market it at with a representative cross section of heroin junkies at Andy Warhol's Factory, or at one of Leonard Bernstein's weekly Black Panther Fondue & Twister parties."

By 1975 the Times was firmly established as the leading opinion manufacturer in the Northeast, earning plaudits for its bold 'Pentagon Papers' and 'Watergate' lines. Even an ill-fated Asian editorial joint venture with the Khmer Rouge was not enough to dull its market leadership, where it remained throughout the decade.

Generation Why

After 30 years of leading the Times, Sulzberger retired in 1993. After an exhaustive international search of candidates, the board of directors named as his replacement Arthur O. "Pinch" Sulzberger Jr.

"To the casual outside viewer, this might at first seem to have a whiff of nepotism, but nothing could be further from the truth," said Times spokesman Thomas Wilnot. "Pinch is not Punch. Pinch is his own man, honing his keen natural newspaper management instincts at some of the top tennis academies of Sarasota. Plus, we saved over $300 by not having to print new business cards and stationery."

Also denying charges of nepotism were corporate board members Jerome "Poke" Sulzberger, Norbert "Slap" Sulzberger, Richard "Thwack" Sulzberger, Leonard "Spank" Sulzberger, and Harriet "Wedgie" Sulzberger-Smith.

The younger Sulzberger quickly put his strategic imprimatur on the Times , hiring Howell Raines as head of the Editorial Division and Gerald Boyd as his second in command. Raines, a hard-charging Alabaman, was given his orders: increase productivity, by any means necessary.

"Howell really went postal on that," says one line worker who asked not to be identified. "He'd always be over your desk... it was always 'more! more! more! Flood The Zone, dammit!' but, man, there's only so many column inches you can squeeze out of a minor story about a golf club in Georgia."

Some workers say that the emphasis on productivity began to take a toll on morale. Worse yet the company began to experience inventory problems.

"We have so much editorial piling up on the dock, we have to put it somewhere," says a longtime foreman in the paste-up room. "So we started shoving it on the front page, just to get the boss off our backs. Plus, that OpEd stuff really starts to smell if it lays around too long."

Perhaps not coincidentally, the paper began losing its vaunted knack for opinion marketing. While it retains strong loyalty in its hometown, it essentially abandoned the more sophisticated opinion export market west of the Hudson River.

"It's not an easy time to be a company salesman," noted writer Chris Hedges. Delivering a commencement address at an Illinois college in May, Hedges was pelted with ripe tomatoes and cabbages after previewing the Times' new 'Bloodthirsty American Baby Killers' OpEd line.

Hard Times at the Times

Amid the mounting inventories and plummeting demand, nothing prepared the Times for the crushing quality control problems it experienced this spring. Long proud of its tradition of obsessive attention to detail and fact checking, a red-faced Times began the cathartic admission of myriad errors that threatened to overrun its allotted space on Page 2.

By May, the Times had introduced a new daily Section E for previous day corrections, followed by daily Section F, containing meta-corrections of previous day corrections. By the end of the month, it introduced daily Section G, containing open letters from Sean Penn.

Managers were shocked to discover that one worker, 26-year old Jayson Blair, was single handedly responsible for nearly 40% of the corrections reported from February through April, and some began to ask for an inquiry.

Descent Into the Maelstrom

However, in other quarters, there was trepidation. Being African-American, an inquiry into Blair's competence and honesty would likely create tensions on the Times' diverse shop floor. Secondly, Blair was virtually handpicked by Raines as a journalistic wunderkind.

"Everyone knew that Jayson was Howell's favorite and a really fantastic reporter," said one plant insider. "He was so dedicated that he would sometimes fly to France, Australia and Kentucky on the same day to get a good story."

"No wonder he had the stamina to pick up three doctorates by the time he was 16," she added.

Despite his glowing credentials and support from top management, Blair departed on May 1, the result of gross journalistic fraud, plagiarism, and failure to chip in for the office coffee fund.

Another Times writer, veteran correspondent Rick Bragg, was left soon afterwards when an investigation revealed that he was taking byline credit for the plagiarism and fraud of younger workers.

The Blair and Bragg departures sparked a great deal of grumbling among rank-and-file staffers, and some began openly questioning Raines judgment as plant editor.

To quell the growing labor unrest, Sulzberger, Raines, and Boyd called an emergency 'town meeting' for all workers, where they performed a motivational hand puppet show entitled 'Mikey the Moose and His Pals Say: Turn That Frown Upside Down!"

While some in the audience were held spellbound by Raines' and Boyd's dazzling puppetry and infectious singing, the damage was done. By June, they too were gone.

Picking Up the Pieces

In the face of low morale and plummeting demand, Sulzberger remains defiant, steadfastly insisting that increased production will, in fact, create more and more interest in the Times aging product line.

In an interview with Business Week earlier this week, he predicted that "just like the New Beetle, there is a huge retro-Sixties opinion craze out there, just waiting to happen."

Other proponents of management's "make the market" strategy include Bob Herbert, director of the Times ' sprawling Republican Lynch Mobs Are Coming To Get You facility, and Paul Krugman, general manager of the Times' gleaming new 1.2 million square foot Enron Scandaltorium Outlet Mall.

Like Krugman, many on the shop floor maintain a brave face against the specter of additional layoffs. Others, like longtime employee Maureen Dowd, seem to have given up hope.

Described by many as a "spinster with a heart of gold," the matronly Dowd has long been one of Sulzberger's staunchest loyalists. A fixture in the production floor, she has been a popular 'surrogate mom' for generation after generation of OpEd writers.

While her particular production skill - breezy schoolgirl political chat sprinkled with 1979 pop culture references - has long lost its usefulness, she remains ready to help others pundits should they ever need a childish nickname for a Bush administration official

But, as those who know her well explain it, something in Dowd recently changed. Whether it was the increasing pressure for ever-more extreme opinions, or her humiliating jilting at the hands of an elderly Hollywood lothario, co-workers say that Dowd has succumbed to the cheap comforts of ... ellipses.

"At first it was one or two ellipses in the morning before press, 'a little editorial pick-me-up,' you might say," said one co-pundit. "Hey, no big deal. I pop a few every now and then myself."

"Before long, though, she went on wild ellipsis benders - downing entire paragraphs, knocked senseless, completely blotto," he added. "We knew that she hat become a full-on dot head."

Somewhere Over the Raines-bow
Some here worry that mounting financial and production troubles will spell an end to the New York Times, and with it a way of life.

For many younger pundits, though, the idea of the hard and gritty work of the mills holds little appeal, even if the Times survives.

"To tell you the truth, I don't know if I want to end up like my old man - punching the clock down on 34th, chained to an iMac, pushing out another 4000-word whine about tax cuts or Ariel Sharon or looting Baghdad's museums," says Ethan Moran, 19. "Pretty soon you're 50, and all you have to show for it is carpal tunnel syndrome, a permanent sneer and extensive wine vocabulary."

Moran looks out pensively at the cars whizzing by on the nearby interstate. He fixedly gazes on its undulations, how it vanishes on the horizon, a magical gray carpet carrying its passengers to magical distant lands with names like Dayton and Des Moines and Tulsa.

The talk turns to dreams.

"I want to get out of this boring town, go somewhere exciting," he says. "I want to see new things -Mormons, tractor supply companies, parking spaces. I want to see people wearing John Deere caps without grunge irony. I want to grab life, suck the marrow from its bones, and then wash it down with a Pabst Blue Ribbon."

It is an ambitious plan, but Moran may have no choice.

"My parents are probably going to kick me out of the apartment, anyway," he explains. "I'm outing my self as a Republican."
iowahawk.typepad.com