To: lorne who wrote (33120 ) 12/19/2003 6:26:09 PM From: Karen Lawrence Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467 Dream on. America is losing the battle for Arab opinion Marc Lynch NYT Saturday, August 23, 2003 (This comment was adapted from an article that will appear in the September/October issue of Foreign Affairs magazine.)http://www.iht.com/cgi-bin/generic.cgi?template=articleprint.tmplh&ArticleId=107401 Dialogue beats propaganda WILLIAMSTOWN, Massachusetts The hawks in the Bush administration think the key to understanding the Middle East is Osama bin Laden's observation that people flock to the "strong horse." The Bush team came into office determined to re-establish respect for U.S. power abroad, and has conquered two Muslim countries in as many years. Instead of sparking an outburst of pro-American activism and democratic reform, however, these actions have caused America's regional standing to sink to its lowest point ever. What went wrong? The speed with which anti-American hostility has recently emerged across all Arab social groups - including Westernized liberals - shows that the problem does not lie in enduring cultural differences or longstanding U.S. policies such as support for Israel or for local authoritarian leaders. Arabs blame specific Bush administration moves, such as the invasion of Iraq, and what they see as a one-sided approach to Israeli-Palestinian relations. But perhaps even more important is the crude, tone-deaf style in which those policies have been pursued. Ironically, for this administration above all others, taking Arab public opinion seriously cannot be considered a luxury. The Bush administration has argued persuasively that American security requires democratic reform in the Middle East. But the hawks badly misunderstand Arab public opinion, which threatens to undermine their efforts at achieving these goals. The hawks believe that Arabs respect power, not reason. They have nothing but contempt for the so-called Arab street, which they assume is easily manipulated by authoritarian states into anti-Americanism or anti-Zionism. They blame America's image problems on Islamic or Arab culture, on the envy of the successful by the weak and failed, or on simple misunderstanding of U.S. policy. Together, these assumptions have produced an approach that combines vigorous military interventions with a dismissal of local opposition to them, offset by occasional patronizing attempts to "get the American message out." Not surprisingly, the result has been to alienate the very people whose support the United States needs to succeed. To achieve its own goals, the Bush administration needs to abandon these assumptions in favor of a more nuanced understanding of Arab public opinion. It should open a direct dialogue with the Arab public intellectuals who have thrived within the region's increasingly influential transnational media. The target should be the many opinion leaders who share America's distaste for the status quo, but also fear and resent American power. Satellite television now brings Arab countries and their diaspora together into a remarkably coherent and ongoing public argument accessible to almost everyone. Articulate and assertive, combative and argumentative, this nascent Arab public sphere increasingly sets the course for the street and the palace alike. It is here that the battle of ideas is already being fought, and here that it must be won. The Bush administration recognized this after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, sending numerous representatives to the satellite television channel Al Jazeera. But its early enthusiasm gave way to fury over the network's coverage of Al Qaeda and Iraq. Its pressure on Al Jazeera to censor tapes of Osama bin Laden made a mockery of its free-speech rhetoric in Arab eyes. And Arab journalists were not inclined to take advice on objectivity from the United States, where broadcasters wear American flags on their lapels. Prevailing ideas for fixing the problem are likely to make them worse. The attempt to cow Arabs into submission ignores the fact that Arab and Islamist commentators already focus obsessively on the imbalance of power, and hardly need to be reminded of their weakness. All too often, U.S. public diplomacy attempts to crudely manipulate its audience, and misses the mark for that very reason. Information has gone in one direction; the target's views and thoughts have been of interest only in order to mold them. Nor is creating new, pro-American media outlets the answer. Radio Sawa won large audiences with its mix of American and Arab pop music, but it has done little to affect political attitudes. And a planned U.S.-$ sponsored Arabic satellite television station will have a difficult time finding a market, since any political content will automatically be discounted as propaganda and existing satellite stations already fill the demand for mainstream entertainment. The fiasco of American television broadcasting in Iraq should be a warning flag. The bottom line is that the new Arab news media, both broadcast and print, are more than a match for any alternative the United States might muster. Rather than shunning Al Jazeera and its counterparts out of pique, the United States should try to change the terms of debate in the Arab world by working through them and opening a genuine discussion. The goal of American policy should be to find ways to engage this kind of opinion and establish itself as an ally of the Arab public in its own demands for liberal reform, rather than making such reform an external imposition. The Bush administration needs to recognize that the elite Arab public can speak for itself. It deeply resents being ignored or condescended to. Only by treating Arabs and Muslims as equals, listening carefully and identifying points of convergence without minimizing points of disagreement, will a positive message get through. The most important item on the agenda must be Iraq, for what the United States does there over the next several months will have more impact on its relations with the Arab world than anything else. Restoring public order and erecting a functioning Iraqi state is vital, as is moving rapidly toward the inclusion of non-exile Iraqis in meaningful democratic governance. It should avoid overtly censoring the emerging Iraqi news media, and should back off its rhetorical attacks against the Arab satellite stations. All the while, the administration should explain what it is doing in these and other areas openly, clearly, and continuously in the Arab news media, making outreach there one of its highest priorities. America's current image problems in the Arab world are serious, but not fatal. An attempt at dialogue could go a long way toward easing Arabs' deep-seated anger over perceived American arrogance and hypocrisy and could address the corrosive skepticism about Washington's intentions, which colors attitudes toward virtually everything the United States does. In the long run, it might even prove the best way to nurture the very kinds of Arab liberalization that the Bush administration claims to seek. The writer is an assistant professor of political science at Williams College. This comment was adapted from an article that will appear in the September/October issue of Foreign Affairs magazine. Copyright © 2002 The International Herald Tribune