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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: KLP who wrote (21846)12/27/2003 9:37:43 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793698
 
OUT OF THE BLUE
The Fog of War Blankets the Home Front
By WILLIAM J. BROAD and ERIC LICHTBLAU New York Times

THE prophets of doom should be breathing a sigh of relief these days. Iran and Libya, two rogue states judged to have been secretly reaching for atom bombs, have suddenly declared their intention to go peaceful and are letting international inspectors crawl all over them.

Time to celebrate? No way. Instead, some keepers of the nation's nuclear arsenal worry that maybe, just maybe, the Iranians and Libyans believe that terrorists could have a nuclear device made of plutonium and wanted to bare their clandestine uranium labors to rule out the possibility of retaliatory strikes in the event of an attack on the United States.

"Why would he be that close and give it up?" a senior weapons official said of the Libyan leader, Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi. "Maybe he knows something is afoot. Maybe it's the same with the Iranians."

Such is the paranoid world of homeland insecurity, where every push for protection seems to generate an equal and opposite case of the jitters. By some measures, we should all feel much safer: Saddam Hussein is locked up, Al Qaeda no longer runs Afghanistan, and the Bush administration is spending $41 billion this fiscal year to fight terrorism and tighten the nation's security.

Still, when the lights went out in the Northeast and Midwest last August during the largest power failure in American history, the first thing many people assumed was that terrorists had struck. The problem, analysts say, is a growing sense of resignation to the idea that open societies will always be vulnerable to terrorism, no matter what politicians may promise.

"I understand," Roanna Glynn, a Los Angeles schoolteacher, said after her Air France flight to Paris was canceled last week because of hijacking fears. "It's not the same kind of world it once was. I think everybody understands that."

But that kind of fatalism has Democrats fighting mad. The administration, they claim, made a strategic error in striking at Iraq instead of the roots of terrorism, and when it snubbed allies instead of working with them to track down Osama bin Laden. Everyone in the nation deserves to feel safer, they argue, much safer.

The White House begs to differ. One of Mr. Bush's great accomplishments, it maintains, is his record of battling terrorism abroad and protecting Americans at home, most recently by capturing Mr. Hussein and by negotiating Libya's pledge to dismantle its unconventional arms. It also cites a wide range of domestic protections, as well as prospective ones like antimissile technology for airliners.

Yet despite the safeguards, the menace seems to grow. Last week, federal officials warned that terrorists were planning holiday strikes that could match or exceed those of Sept. 11, 2001, and that Al Qaeda continued to eye aircraft as weapons. Air France decided on Christmas Eve to cancel six flights between Paris and Los Angeles, after American intelligence officials received reports that a handful of Islamic extremists might try to board at least one of the flights.

Beyond the fog of politics, where do things really stand? Are we in fact safer? Analysts say there are few objective measures and much room for such unquantifiables as dread. "Maybe you lie awake at night," said Humphrey Taylor, chairman of The Harris Poll. "On the other hand, if you canceled a travel plan, that's a clear change in behavior" wrought by terrorism fears, and easier to track.

Despite the subjective nature of security, travelers can see many new protections at work. Government-trained screeners now control airport security instead of private employees. Million-dollar luggage scanners check bags. Undercover air marshals fly routinely, on the lookout for suspicious activity. Investigators give much closer scrutiny to airport personnel both at home and abroad. And military planes roam the skies above New York City, Washington and other potential targets.

Invisibly, in more than 30 cities, sensors sniff the air to detect various deadly germ threats. But critics say it is overkill, with little thought given to realism. "They're wasting money on things that can't exist as aerosols," a top federal biologist said. "Let's put out detectors that are useful or not put them out at all."

Ambitious efforts by the administration to offer protection against biological weapons have fallen short on two fronts. In June, the government said its program to vaccinate up to 500,000 civilian health workers against smallpox had ground to a virtual halt after adverse side effects discouraged people from volunteering for it. Last week, the Defense Department said it was halting its anthrax vaccination program for military personnel in reaction to a court ruling that service members could not be forced to take the vaccine.

And don't forget: no arrests have been made in the series of anthrax attacks after Sept. 11, which killed five people and sickened more than a dozen others.

Critics charge that federal agencies continue to overlook important areas like ports and air cargo systems. Representative Ed Markey, Democrat of Massachusetts and a member of the House select committee on homeland security, said last week that the administration's failure to order the physical screening of all air cargo placed on passenger planes, as is now done with luggage, was reckless and inexplicable.

"Americans who travel with their wrapped gifts are forced to open their packages for inspection, but possible terrorists could ship a bomb in a cargo hold because there is no screening of those boxes," Mr. Markey said. Administration officials said they planned to phase in screening of all cargo on passenger planes, adding that they do not yet have the ability to do so.

Critics also say federal agencies have failed to coordinate their watch lists, which pinpoint suspicious individuals. Various agencies have a dozen different lists in place, with centralization only now under way after repeated prodding by Congress. And efforts to get more Arabic and Farsi speakers at the Federal Bureau of Investigation and intelligence agencies have fallen far short of expectations, analysts said. Attempts to trace terrorist financing, a crucial part of the anti-terror campaign, have run into obstacles, with seizures slowing markedly.

Generally, though, experts agree that intelligence has advanced far beyond where it was a couple of years ago in terms of predicting and detecting terrorist threats.

The Air France episode offers a vivid example of the best and, potentially, the worst of the new system. With everyone on high alert, the United States was able to move quickly to analyze intelligence, step up security at places like Los Angeles International Airport and coordinate with officials in France. But was it an overreaction? A possibility exists that the intelligence, driven in part by fragmented watch lists, was poor.

What is clear is that the United States is intent on avoiding the mistakes that were made before 9/11, when many clues were overlooked.

Eager to distinguish themselves from Mr. Bush, the Democratic presidential candidates have called for more spending on domestic security, and the redoubling of aid to police and fire departments, airports, seaports, rescue squads, dams, bridges, chemical plants, hospitals and so on.

Last week, Senator John Edwards of North Carolina zeroed in on the nuclear threat. If elected, he said, he would triple spending on securing the former Soviet Union's nuclear stockpile, appoint a nonproliferation czar and convene a global summit on fighting the bomb's spread.

The Bush administration maintains that the Democrats are exaggerating the threats, and the needed responses.

In general, said Brian Roehrkasse, a spokesman for the Department of Homeland Security, "Americans should rest assured that while we are at this heightened threat level, we have passed credible threat information on to those who need it to do their jobs."

"I don't know that we'll ever get to the point" of being completely satisfied with the nation's ability to protect itself from terrorist attacks, he added. "But I do know that we're getting safer and more prepared every day."

Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company



To: KLP who wrote (21846)12/28/2003 12:53:50 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793698
 
Here's a country that thinks Ronald Reagan is a great man.

"Poland is the most pro-American country in the world — including the United States."

December 28, 2003
OP-ED COLUMNIST
Where U.S. Translates as Freedom
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

WARSAW

I found the cure.

I found the cure to anti-Americanism: Come to Poland.

After two years of traveling almost exclusively to Western Europe and the Middle East, Poland feels like a geopolitical spa. I visited here for just three days and got two years of anti-American bruises massaged out of me. Get this: people here actually tell you they like America — without whispering. What has gotten into these people? Have all their subscriptions to Le Monde Diplomatique expired? Haven't they gotten the word from Berlin and Paris? No, they haven't. In fact, Poland is the antidote to European anti-Americanism. Poland is to France what Advil is to a pain in the neck. Or as Michael Mandelbaum, the Johns Hopkins foreign affairs specialist, remarked after visiting Poland: "Poland is the most pro-American country in the world — including the United States."

What's this all about? It starts with history and geography. There's nothing like living between Germany and Russia — which at different times have trampled Poland off the map — to make Poles the biggest advocates of a permanent U.S. military presence in Europe. Said Ewa Swiderska, 25, a Warsaw University student: "We are the small kid in school who is really happy to have the big guy be his friend — it's a nice feeling."

Indeed, all the history and geography that Western European youth have forgotten, having grown up in a postmodern European Union, are still central to Polish consciousness — well after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. "We still remember many things," said Jan Miroslaw, 22, also a Warsaw University student. "We are more eager to cooperate with America rather than just say `no.' [The West Europeans] just don't remember many things — like the wars. They live too-comfortable lives."

No wonder then when young Poles think of America, they think of the word "freedom." They think of generations of U.S. presidents railing against their communist oppressors. There is a huge message in this bottle. In the Arab world, because of a long history of U.S. support for Arab autocrats, who kept their people down but their oil flowing to us, America was a synonym for hypocrisy. In Poland, where we have consistently trumpeted freedom, America means freedom. We need to remember that. We are what we stand for.

Poland's becoming a member of the E.U. will give the U.S. an important friend within that body — a counterweight to those E.U. forces that would like to use anti-Americanism as the glue to bind the expanding alliance and that would like to see the E.U. forge its identity as the great Uncola to America's Coca-Cola.

But as powerful as Poland's bond to America is these days, we dare not take it for granted. Poland has some 2,400 troops in Iraq. That's the good news. The bad news is that roughly 75 percent of Poles oppose their deployment. Polish officials will tell you Poland sent troops to Iraq to help keep the Americans in Europe. But the public doesn't make such connections, and most people don't understand what their boys are doing there or what Poland is getting out of it. (How about a few extra visas for Poles?) If the U.S. ends up in a mess in Iraq, so will Poland. Many "old" Europeans will then laugh at Warsaw, and that would be highly corrosive for Polish-U.S. relations.

At the same time, once Poland is fully ensconced in the E.U., its young people will grow up in that postmodern E.U. nirvana, where anti-Americanism is in the drinking water. Sadly, many education and public diplomacy programs the U.S. directed at Eastern Europe after the fall of communism have been cut or redirected to the Muslim world. Bad timing.

There is now a competition between the United States of America and the United States of Europe for the next generation of Poles — who don't all have their parents' emotional ties to the U.S. — "and the U.S. is losing this competition," says a Polish foreign policy expert, Grzegorz Kostrzewa-Zorbas. "The new generation in Poland likes American pop culture, but it has less contact with American high culture — like education. It is so much easier for young Poles to go to university in Germany or France."

Given Poland's geography and history, there's a limit to how far it will drift from America. Poland will never be France. But we shouldn't assume it will remain the Poland of 1989 forever, either, and if it doesn't, that could have real consequences for America's standing in Europe.

Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company



To: KLP who wrote (21846)12/28/2003 3:42:17 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793698
 
These private prisons work. The son of one of my friends here has been in the State Of Hawaii System and a mainland private prison. He says the prisoners are much better treated in the private one.

California Jail Break
Private prisons could help free the Golden State.

Wall Street Journal

Like Marley's ghost, the spirit of Gray Davis continues to hover over California even after his repudiation at the ballot box. For unless something happens soon, taxpayers in that state are going to find themselves on the hook for one of his last favors to a pet special interest: the California Correctional Peace Officers Association.
Three of California's private state prisons will close at the end of this month absent some immediate intervention from Sacramento. That's just fine with the state prison guards union, of course, since it's always been opposed to competition. But at a time when Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger is scrounging for ways to close a $14 billion gap, he might want to take an interest in the benefits of privatization for public prisons that already cost $5.3 billion a year.

Outside California, most folks have never heard of CCPOA. Inside the corridors of California politics, however, its clout is well understood and backed up with money. Last year, California Common Cause released a report listing the state prison guards union as the top contributor to state legislative campaigns during the 1999-2000 election cycle--above even the powerful California Teachers Association.
In January this year, at a time when the California budget was hemorrhaging money, then-Governor Davis signed off on a new contract for the guards that raised their salaries up to 37% over five years, lifted their retirement benefits and made it easier for them to take sick leave.

You can't accuse the union of being ungrateful: Barely two months later, CCPOA came through with a $251,000 campaign donation. And it's not just the governor, to whom the union gave $3.4 million since 1998. The stink over this contract extends to the entire California political establishment. The state assembly approved this raise unanimously, and in the senate there was only one dissenting vote: the conservative Tom McClintock.

Mr. Davis's willingness to roll back any prison privatization may be inflicting even more lasting damage on state finances. The original Davis budget proposal in 2002 was to close five private prisons, with the claim that it would save taxpayers money. But California's own numbers show that this claim does not stand up.

According to Department of Corrections figures, each year it costs Californians $28,439 to house an inmate in a state prison. Privately run prisons do the job for about $17,000, an $11,000 savings per inmate. In a state with the largest prison population in America, that means hefty savings to the taxpayers.

Advocates of privately run prisons argue that they are not only cheaper but better run and subject to greater accountability than their government counterparts. Maybe that's why Arizona has just agreed to expand its private capacity. But an even better comparison for California is Texas, where the competitive pressures from private prisons have helped keep overall costs down. Though the Texas inmate population is roughly the same as California--145,000 for Texas versus 162,000--the total Texas corrections budget clocks in at $2.5 billion, less than half that of California's.
California prisons are already running at 198% of capacity. Surely instead of closing private prisons, a smart new California governor would contract out for more of them.