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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (50718)7/10/2004 10:37:44 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Ken Lay, Enron and the US Public
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by William Greider

Published on Friday, July 9, 2004 by The Nation

Ken Lay finally took the "perp walk" down in Houston with his hands cuffed behind his back--an inconvenience for him and also for his old Texas buddy, George W. Bush. Lay is the former Enron chairman who built the house of cards. He is now indicted on eleven criminal counts of securities fraud in the 2001 collapse of his funny-money empire. The scandal was spectacular but lost its front-page glow long ago. Too bad for the President that this had to happen just now, when Bush is desperate for a few "good news" stories.

According to the indictment, Lay harvested $217 million in profit by dumping shares in the company's wildly inflated stock, selling at the top while he continued to lie to investors, employees and everyone else who believed in the miracle energy corporation. Lay brought his minister with him to federal court, and the preacher invoked "God's blessing" for those who had been hurt. That's a nice touch--may God look after the millions who were bilked out of billions--but the gesture also reminds us of the President's holiness rhetoric. Bush looked after Ken Lay and the other corporate moguls on the upside, while they swindled the country on an epic scale. Now this task is assigned to a higher power.

The event should provide refreshing fodder for Democratic oratory at their upcoming convention. The Enron leader did not spend the night in jail, but was released on $500,000 bond (a pittance even though his wealth has diminished greatly). One can already hear Veep candidate John Edwards incorporating these facts in his "two Americas" theme: Some Americans get thrown in the slammer, some Americans get to go home. The President will probably say this case proves that the wheels of justice are turning properly, but the processes are likely to turn slowly. Ken Lay says he wants an early trial, starting in September, to clear his name. I doubt the federal prosecutors will oblige. That would keep the Enron story on the front pages through the heat of the President's fall campaign.

Above all, Lay's belated indictment reminds one of the limp response of Washington politics--Democrats included--to this historic financial crime. Enron, WorldCom and scores of other busted corporations, aided and abetted by Wall Street's leading bankers, represent the largest, most fraudulent assemblage of corrupted practices since the epic meltdown that followed 1929. Trillions were lost and the economy was deeply wounded, not to mention the families who lost jobs and savings. The federal establishment responded to all this with alarmed rhetoric but did very little to reform the fundamentals of corporate law or financial regulation. The swamp of insider conflicts of interest and semilegal double-dealing continue in the system, despite some modest changes. Maybe Lay's indictment will put the subject back on the table, but don't count on it. Ken Lay faces trial, but most of his co-conspirators, especially from Wall Street, got away and remain at large, doing new deals and counting their blessings.
___________________

National affairs correspondent William Greider has been a political journalist for more than thirty-five years. A former Rolling Stone and Washington Post editor, he is the author of the national bestsellers 'One World, Ready or Not', 'Secrets of the Temple', 'Who Will Tell The People' and, most recently, 'The Soul of Capitalism' (Simon & Schuster)

Copyright © 2004 The Nation.

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To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (50718)7/10/2004 11:34:18 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Abu Ghraib, USA

progressive.org



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (50718)7/12/2004 10:33:49 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Global: Payback Time
_________________________

By Stephen Roach (New York)
Morgan Stanley
Jul 12, 2004

World financial markets have only just begun to raise questions about the sustainability of the current global upturn. Forward earnings expectations imbedded in global equities have been ratcheted down slightly in recent weeks and global bonds have rallied back to levels prevailing at the start of the year. In the first half of 2004, a vigorous global upturn was taken for granted — as were the earnings vigor, inflation risks, and central bank tightening that such an outcome would spawn. Now some doubt is starting to creep in on all counts — and with good reason, in my view.

The issue is an old one but ultimately the most important bone of contention in the forecasting community — the staying power of the current upturn in the global economy. Reflecting the impetus of one of the greatest policy-stimulus campaigns in modern history, the global economy roared back with a vengeance in 2004. By our latest estimates, world GDP is likely to increase 4.6% this year — just shy of the 4.7% spike in 2000, which was the strongest gain since 1984. Certainly, the vigor of this year’s global resurgence caught most forecasters by surprise — especially those of us in the pessimistic camp, such as yours truly. Fortunately, I was outvoted by most members of the worldwide team of economists that I head. For the record, our forecast for 2004 global growth at the start of this year was 4.2%, not all that different from the official estimate of the IMF at 4.1%. The world economy has obviously been stronger than we had thought — especially in Japan, Asia ex Japan, and Latin America — but by forecasting standards, this does not qualify as an extreme error.

The growth spurt of 2004 is now old news. Financial markets were quick to embrace it and probably went to excess in discounting the boom scenario that an extrapolation of this trend might suggest. And with good reason — at least in the eyes of momentum-driven investors. Upside earnings revisions set a new record and a surprising acceleration in core inflation fueled concerns in fixed income markets over an aggressive monetary tightening. Brimming with mounting confidence over such possibilities, a growing sense of complacency became evident in world equity markets. Moreover, spreads remained tight in most segments of the fixed income markets, even though government yield curves started to discount the coming monetary tightening. In the eyes of most investors, it looked as if nothing could stop a classic cyclical revival from morphing into a full-fledged synchronous boom in a long sluggish global economy.

That was then. Suddenly, the world tilted. Surging oil prices were a classic early warning sign. China’s efforts to slow an overheated economy were another. The imperatives of Fed-policy normalization were the icing on the cake. After spending most of the past year, revising our global growth numbers up, downward revisions are now starting to creep back into our baseline forecast. We just lowered our 2004 US GDP growth estimate to 4.6% (from 4.8%) — the first reduction in a year. I wouldn’t be surprised to see similar adjustments to some of our Asian numbers, especially for Korea and Taiwan. And there are new disquieting signs coming out of Russia, which suddenly has been blindsided by the double whammy of problems in a high-profile bank and a major energy producer. And, of course, the debate over the China slowdown rages — not whether it will occur but whether the coming landing will be soft or hard. The latest indications on China’s industrial output growth — a further deceleration to a 16.2% Y-o-Y gain in June — paint a picture of a Chinese economy that is only in the early stage of either type of landing.

All this raises the distinct possibility that the boom of 2004 was nothing more than a one-off growth spike that fails to get traction in spurring a sustainable, synchronous upturn in the global economy. Our baseline forecast is not terribly far away from depicting just such a possibility. Our current estimates call for a 3.9% increase in world GDP growth in 2005 — a downshift of 0.7 percentage point from the 4.6% increase expected in 2004 and only 0.3 percentage point above the post-1970 longer-term trend of 3.6%. World financial markets are now in the process of digesting the ramifications of just such a downshift. Equity markets have been hit by a peaking of earnings revisions, and fixed income markets have now all but dismissed the possibility of an aggressive monetary tightening cycle. For the broad consensus of investors, complacency has now given way to a more balanced assessment of risks. The shift in sentiment, however, has stopped short of the ultimate capitulation to fear — that sense of panic, which ultimately sets the stage for major market moves.

I wouldn’t rule out just such a possibility over the next several months. As I see the world, the risks remain decidedly on the downside of our own forecast as well as that of the broad consensus of investors. There are three important reasons to worry about a global relapse, in my view: First, the powerful global policy stimulus that pushed the world to the upside in 2004 will not be in play in 2005. Outsize fiscal deficits in the US, Europe, and Japan are unlikely to widen further, and monetary policy is now in the process of moving away from the lower bound of the nominal interest constraint. Second, much of this year’s global growth surge was concentrated in durables goods — motor vehicles, housing-related outlays, and capital equipment. By definition, these are long-lived items that are purchased infrequently. To the extent that such spending gets distorted to the upside, it typically borrows from future demand. There are signs that just such a blow-out has occurred — especially in the US; durables consumption rose at a 23% annual rate in the two middle quarters of 2003; capital spending is being artificially stimulated by tax cuts that expire at the end of this year; and the homebuilding sector appears to be in the final stages of its boom, especially as interest rates now start to rise. Consequently, there is good reason to believe that the US durable goods impetus is likely to be short-lived.

The third potential source of a global relapse is one that has long disturbed me the most — the continued and worrisome build-up of global imbalances. It’s on this count that complacency remains very much intact. Views are widespread in policy and investor circles that the world has learned to live with a permanent state of disequilibrium in national saving balances. Yet another new paradigm is perceived to be at work, this one driven by globalization and the concomitant integration of world financial markets. We are urged not to look at America’s massive current account deficit, but more at its capital account surplus as a demonstration of the world’s insatiable demand for dollar-denominated assets. Never mind that such external demand for dollars is no longer coming from private investors but mainly from Asian central banks that wish to keep their currencies cheap and their exports competitive. Never mind that such tactics also subsidize US interest rates, thereby providing the sustenance for debt-intensive wealth extraction from asset markets — a key factor that keeps America on an excess consumption path. Needless to say, these conclusions are very much at odds with a more sanguine consensus. After all, since imbalances haven’t mattered yet, goes the logic, the odds are they won’t matter for the foreseeable future either.

Anything, of course, is possible in this Brave New World. But my guess is that is that this boom will be short-lived — likely followed by the payback that invariably comes when demand is artificially pulled forward. To the extent that this resurgence reflected the impact of unusual policy stimulus, then it is about to be starved of its fuel. To the extent that this resurgence was skewed to the upside by durable goods, then a pause is likely as consumers and businesses digest their recent excessive purchases of long-lived goods. And to the extent that the US-centric strain of the latest growth resurgence has exacerbated the imbalances of an already seriously unbalanced global economy, then the imperatives of rebalancing can only mount.

It is always possible, of course, that the world squeaks by without having to endure the pain of any payback. For that to occur, in my view, a US-centric world would have to weaned from the life-support measures of policy stimulus, asset-market-induced wealth effects, and an open-ended appetite for debt. A sustained pick-up in job creation — and the income generation that would spark — is both a necessary and sufficient condition for such a renewal to occur. That condition has not been satisfied, in my view. Even though US hiring has picked up over the past four months I have my doubts that such an organic, internal growth dynamic is about ready to kick in. As I see it, the quality of job creation has remained so low that the case for a spontaneous regeneration of earned labor income growth remains a real stretch (see my July 9 dispatch, “America’s Job-Quality Trap”).

Yes, financial markets have lost some of the complacency evident earlier this year. But by no means has there been a capitulation to the type of fear that often spawns major investment opportunities. Yet as I see the fundamentals, the case for just such a shift in the markets remains compelling, in my view. Macro is at its best in defining a framework of adjustment. Macro is at its worst in identifying that point in time when critical turning points occur. As I continue to see it, the current global upturn has all the trappings of the boom that begets the bust. For a world economy beset with record imbalances and supported by artificial policy stimulus, I continue to worry that the payback is coming sooner rather than later.

morganstanley.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (50718)7/13/2004 9:51:57 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
The Real Enemy Staring Us in the Face
_________________________

By Bob Herbert
Columnist
New York Times
Monday 12 July 2004

Justin Hunt, a young man from Wildomar, Calif., about 75 miles east of Los Angeles, was determined to join the Marines. When recruiters pointed out that he was grossly overweight, he spent a year losing more than 150 pounds. Then he signed up and was promptly sent to Iraq, where he was killed last Tuesday in an explosion. He was 22.

Three American soldiers, not yet publicly identified, were killed yesterday in two separate attacks on military patrols north of Baghdad. On Saturday four marines were killed in a vehicle accident near Falluja. And five more American soldiers were killed Thursday in a mortar attack on a base in the Sunni-dominated city of Samarra.

For what?

Even as these brave troops were dying in the cruel and bloody environs of Iraq, the Senate Intelligence Committee in Washington was unfurling its damning unanimous report about the incredibly incompetent intelligence that the Bush administration used to justify this awful war.

The bipartisan committee, headed by Republican Senator Pat Roberts, declared that the key intelligence assessments trumpeted by President Bush as the main reasons for invading Iraq were unfounded.

Nearly 900 G.I.'s and more than 10,000 Iraqi civilians have already perished, and there is no end to the war in sight. The situation is both sorrowful and disorienting. The colossal intelligence failures and the willful madness of the administration, which presented war as the first and only policy option, can leave you with the terrible feeling that you're standing at the graveside of common sense and reasonable behavior.

A government with even a nodding acquaintance with competence and good sense would have launched an all-out war against Al Qaeda, not Iraq, in the immediate aftermath of Sept. 11. After all, it was Al Qaeda, not Iraq, that carried out the sneak attack on American soil that destroyed the World Trade Center and part of the Pentagon and killed 3,000 people. You might think that would have been enough to provoke an all-out response from the U.S. Instead we saved our best shot for the demented and already checkmated dictator of Iraq, Saddam Hussein.

Bin Laden and Al Qaeda must have gotten a good laugh out of that. Now they're planning to come at us again. On Thursday, the same day Iraqi insurgents killed the five G.I.'s in Samarra, the Bush administration disclosed that bin Laden and his lieutenants, believed to be operating from hideouts along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, were directing an effort by Al Qaeda to unleash an encore attack against the United States.

According to Tom Ridge, the homeland security secretary, the latest effort may well be timed to disrupt the fall elections.

If that happens, I wonder if we'll finally get serious about the war we should be fighting against bin Laden and Al Qaeda. Maybe not. Based on the impenetrable logic of the president and his advisers, a new strike by Al Qaeda might lead us to start a war with, say, Iran, or Syria.

If we know that bin Laden and his top leadership are somewhere along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, and that they're plotting an attack against the United States, why are we not zeroing in on them with overwhelming force? Why is there not a sense of emergency in the land, with the entire country pulling together to stop another Sept. 11 from occurring?

Why are we not more serious about this?

I don't know what the administration was thinking when it invaded Iraq even as the direct threat from bin Laden and Al Qaeda continued to stare us in the face. That threat has only intensified. The war in Iraq consumed personnel and resources badly needed in the campaign against bin Laden and his allies. And it has fanned the hatred of the U.S. among Muslims around the world. Instead of destroying Al Qaeda, we have played right into its hands and contributed immeasurably to its support.

Most current intelligence analysts agree with Secretary Ridge that Al Qaeda will try before long to strike the U.S. mainland once again.

We've trained most of our guns on the wrong foe. The real enemy is sneaking up behind us. Again. The price to be paid for not recognizing this could be devastating.

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truthout.org