To: unclewest who wrote (57815 ) 8/3/2004 4:22:17 PM From: LindyBill Respond to of 793600 I think this is true. Bush was the underdog in his last couple of debates. He won. It's the debates, stupid By Steven Stark Boston Herald FOR THE PAST several weeks we've heard from television, the print press, and bloggers how important the convention and acceptance speech were to John Kerry's prospects of becoming the next president. In truth, they didn't mean much of anything. And for the next month, we'll hear how essential defining a second-term vision or picking a different vice president -- not to mention staging a successful convention -- are to the reelection chances of George Bush. But they won't mean much either. This year, more than any year since 1960, the election will come down to one thing: which candidate impresses the American people the most in that reality television series otherwise known as the fall televised debates. Despite the hype traditionally associated with these face-offs, presidential debates aren't usually that important. Outside of the four meetings between John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon in those first TV encounters, it's questionable whether debates ever affected the outcome. Sure, Ronald Reagan did better than Jimmy Carter in 1980. But was his impressive performance really worth 10 percentage points, the final margin of victory? In truth, Reagan would have won the election even if he hadn't been able to turn to Carter and tell him, "There you go again." This year the role of the debates will be different for two reasons -- one political and one cultural. Take the political. Despite last week's convention, John Kerry enters the campaign less well known than most major party candidate in the age of television. Ever since the audience stranglehold of the three major TV networks was challenged by cable, the number of viewers for virtually anything political has been steadily declining. Compared with conventions, say, of the '70s and '80s, Kerry spoke on Thursday to what amounts to the modern equivalent of the smoke-filled room. Even Bush remains a less well-known figure in living rooms than any president of the modern media age because far fewer people watch the news. Moreover, the way Kerry won the nomination worked to reduce his visibility even further. In virtually every other modern campaign before this year, the nominee had to earn his stripes through a series of primaries across the nation -- introducing himself over months to voters in state after state after state. This time the Democrats changed the rules to allow their nominee to clinch things early. Kerry pretty much had things wrapped up after Super Tuesday. So virtually everyone in the other primary states never got the chance to meet the candidate via local TV. What it all means is that the prime-time debates will be the only major opportunity for Kerry -- and even for Bush -- to meet and impress a large mass audience of voters this year. The current cultural mood will make these debates even more pivotal. As pop culture events -- brought to the American people through the popular media of the day -- campaigns reflect current trends in programming. The Kennedy-Nixon debates of 1960 came on the heels of the popular quiz shows of the late '50s. To an audience in 1960, the debates were just another form of the same popular exercise. The 1988 campaign reflected its TV times, too. That contest was notable for the effective negative campaigning waged by the senior Bush forces against Michael Dukakis over issues such as the furlough of Massachusetts prisoner Willie Horton. Those tactics reflected the zeitgeist of in-your-face confrontational television then dominating TV through offerings featuring Mort Downey Jr., Geraldo Rivera, and even Roseanne. It was a trash campaign for trash TV. We're living in the age of "reality TV." From "Survivor" to "American Idol," viewers continue to be infatuated by the spectacle of two (or more) "ordinary Americans" facing off for all the marbles in some kind of extreme competition. The popularity of these reality shows reflects a deeper political and cultural mood. In an age in which viewers think virtually everything on the medium is staged, packaged, and predictable -- and they have a point -- reality shows purport to give the public something authentic and spontaneous. In a boring campaign devoid of a similar authenticity, the debates will perform a comparable function. And they will attract unusual interest. Americans may not know as much as they should about the politics and history of the Middle East or the intricacies of economic policy. But they do have a fair amount of expertise evaluating the finer permutations of any contest reality TV cares to throw in their direction. Polling the electorate now is like trying to ask viewers who is going to prevail on "Survivor" after watching only a single episode. The truth is that this year, culturally speaking, the voters are going to pick their president through a few action-packed episodes of the ultimate reality show. It's not exactly what Lincoln and Douglas had in mind. But then again, those two never got to experience the joys of "Big Brother," "Average Joe," and "Last Comic Standing." Which, by the way, Lincoln would have won in a walk. Steven Stark lives in England, where he is writing a cultural history of the Beatles. © Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company