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To: Rambi who wrote (186)9/16/2005 11:08:49 AM
From: Constant Reader  Respond to of 2253
 
As it appears that almost all corporate pension plans are about to go the way of the dinosaurs, it probably would not do much good to change the laws now, but I am furious that we allowed corporations to ignore reality and sound actuarial reasoning, and underfund their pension plans for so long, and now the taxpayers have to pick up the tab for private failures of fiduciary responsibility.

The only good thing that can be said about Katrina, the war, and the PBGC is that they may force some serious discussion of solutions to the looming Social Security and Medicare debacles before the federal government defaults on its debts as well. (I wish I really believed that.)



To: Rambi who wrote (186)9/18/2005 10:03:05 AM
From: Constant Reader  Respond to of 2253
 
Look what happened when no one was looking: Afghanistan had an election with less violence than the average election day in India, the Phillipines or Indonesia. Imagine that!

Publius Pundit provides a nice round-up:

MILLIONS OF AFGHANS HEAD TO THE POLLS

“I am very confident [that] on the 19th of September, the day after the elections here, we are all going to wake up and realize that the heroes of Afghanistan were the people that went out and cast their vote for their own future.” — The commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, Lieutenant General Karl Eikenberry, commenting on Afghanistan’s 18 September parliamentary elections.

This post will serve as a comprehensive roundup for the elections in Afghanistan. It will include links to news article, analysis from international organizations, and commentary from bloggers. Of course, don’t forget to check out the Afghanistan archive, which is pretty limited, but has some essays you might find really interesting. All additional resources will be at the bottom and updated as more become available.

Let’s begin. Click more for everything.

Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty gives one of the best full, comprehensive articles about how this election is going to go.

The commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan said today that he expects high turnout in tomorrow’s landmark parliamentary and provincial elections in that country. His remarks came despite a number of guerrilla attacks on police in the run-up to the voting that have underscored the threat of violence hanging over the election process.

Prague, 17 September 2005 (RFE/RL) — The commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, Lieutenant-General Karl Eikenberry, predicted that Afghans will turn out in “record numbers” despite the risk of violence.

“Tomorrow, that election is going to go,” Eikenberry said. “There will be some violence, but it’s going to go. Twelve million registered voters — they’re going to turn out in record numbers to express their will. I am very confident [that] on 19 September, the day after the elections here, we are all going to wake up and realize that the heroes of Afghanistan were the people that went out and cast their vote for their own future.”

Security has been a major concern in the run-up to the elections, especially in the south and east, where sympathizers with the former Taliban regime and other insurgents are most active.

The neo-Taliban has denounced the election and called for a boycott.

It has also claimed responsibility for killing several candidates and has promised to attack foreign troops over the election period.”We are not scared of the Taliban threats. We will go and vote for a better future in our country. And nothing will stop us from voting and participating in our parliamentary elections.” — Kandahar man

In the latest violence, guerrillas overnight attacked police near the capital Kabul and in two southern provinces, Kandahar and Zabul. Those clashes left at least 12 people dead, three of them police officers.

Their deaths add to an already bloody toll this year — more than 1,000 people have been killed in insurgency-related violence, most of them militants.

Ahead of the polls, thousands of security forces — Afghan police and foreign troops — are on high alert.

More than 50,000 Afghan police and another 28,000 Afghan troops are providing security around the elections to prevent insurgents from disrupting the polling. More than 10,000 international troops are further bolstering efforts to provide security.

There are road checkpoints in Kabul. In Kandahar, all vehicles have been temporarily banned from driving in the city due to fears of car bombs.

Despite the threat of violence, many people say they will exercise their right to vote. — like this Kandahar man,.

“We are not scared of the Taliban threats,” said one man in Kandahar. “We will go and vote for a better future in our country. And nothing will stop us from voting and participating in our parliamentary elections.”

Some 12.5 million people in Afghanistan — with an estimated population of 25 million-28 million — are registered to vote, which is roughly 1.5 million more than registered before the October 2004 presidential vote that kept transitional leader Hamid Karzai in power.

In that vote, the neo-Taliban also vowed to disrupt the country’s presidential election. That time, at least, they failed — and more than 8 million people turned out to vote.

Eurasia Daily Monitor, one of my favorite publications on Central Asia, has an incredibly detailed article about the euphoria sweeping the country.

Afghanistan is set to hold parliamentary elections on Sunday, September 18. In the final days of the campaign, hopes and difficulties abound. The hopes stem from the fact that people see the elections as a positive step towards democracy. The difficulties arise from the lack of preparedness and the handicaps facing a country still recovering from a long, bloody civil war followed by wars of liberation against occupiers and invaders.

On the plus side, the euphoria is overwhelming. Almost the entire country is caught up in election fever. There is hardly any city, town, or village where there are no election activities planned. With three days to go, the excitement and anxiety are beyond description. There are huge posters and banners appearing on every conceivable surface in the capital, from rooftops to buildings to lampposts. Cars and vans equipped with loudspeakers travel throughout the city, announcing various candidate messages. Mosques and town halls are reserved for public meetings. The campaign process will end tomorrow, Friday September 16, about 48 hours before the polls open.

Although the Joint Election Management Body (JEMB) imposed a spending limit on the campaign, there are no controls on how much each candidate spends for posters and banners. Each parliamentary candidate is allowed 750,000 Afghanis (about $15,000) and each provincial candidate 375,000 Afghanis (about $7,600) (RFE/RL, September 12).

There are at least four major hurdles still standing in the way of the elections.

The first problem is security. Since March about 1,200 people been killed, including insurgents, government soldiers, candidates, and election workers. About 76 soldiers from the U.S.-led coalition have also reportedly been killed in the same period. Most operations have been carried out in the volatile provinces of Khost, Zabul, Kandahar, Helmand, and Kunar (Hewad, September 13).

Second, the enormous number of candidates in some provinces, and especially in Kabul, poses a formidable problem. Since seats for both the lower house of parliament as well as the provincial council can be selected on a province-wide basis, all the names of the candidates must appear on the ballot papers. In Kabul alone, there are about 400 candidates for the lower house and each individual ballot paper consists of eight pages with some 50 candidates on each page. It is a newspaper-size page crowded with names, pictures, symbols, and numbers for each individual candidate. For an illiterate, elderly Afghan voter, male or female, the task of locating the right candidate is daunting.

Third, the logistics of transporting ballots are extremely complex. Over 135,000 ballot boxes have been imported from Canada along with 140,000 bottles of indelible ink, which stand ready to mark the index fingers of Afghan voters to prevent them from voting twice. Officials say that this time the stain will last long after the elections, hopefully eliminating the controversy that marred last October’s presidential election during which the ink would sometimes rub off.

There will be 26,000 polling stations across the country, with 140,000 booths inside which voters will cast their ballots.

Once the vote is cast, the daunting task of transporting the ballot boxes begins. In some cases several days are needed to collect the boxes in one central location. Every conceivable means of transportation have been readied for this purpose, including donkeys, horses, camels, mules, cars, trucks, and helicopters.

It has taken a small fleet of aircraft to ferry in election supplies, including 14 Antonov 124s, one of the largest aircraft ever built. Also on tap are eight Boeing 747s, an Ilyushin 76, and several helicopters.

Beside the crowded field of candidates, there are some 34,000 national and 491 international observers that will be dispatched to watch out for fraud. But there are also concerns that some observers might really be there to intimidate people planning to vote for the “wrong” candidate (Cheragh, September 10).

Finally, counting the ballots is another problem. It will take more than a month to know the final results. Most candidates prefer that votes be counted at polling stations. But at the moment, conditions in Afghanistan are not favorable: democratic institutions are still weak and warlords and armed people still wield influence in provinces and remote areas. Some government officials might abuse their powers at polling stations during the vote counting, so the result of votes counted at polling stations would probably be contested.

The real problem is the nature of the parliament. Since running on a party line is discouraged, and a single non-transferable voting system will be used, most of the candidates are segregated along ethnic fault lines. There are few candidates who expect to be elected by people other than their own ethnic constituencies. As a result, the new parliament is expected to be made up of ethnic groupings rather than party blocs or affiliations. There are fears that this situation might sharpen ethnic differences. The voting system is likely to produce a fragmented parliament that is both conservative and parochial, and possibly more of a hindrance than a help to the government.

The lingering anxiety in Afghanistan is the commitment of the international community to prop up the fledgling democracy in the country. James Dobbins, a former U.S. special envoy to Afghanistan, summed up this fear best: “Without the international presence, the country would begin to disintegrate again” (Reuters, September 12).

Radio Free Afghanistan notes that the tribal nature of Afghanistan’s warlords, and the fact that ex-Taliban officials are running, makes this an especially important election. Some of them will win, but doubtless, it will prompt many more to vote against them.

New York-based Human Rights Watch released a survey on 15 September suggesting that Afghans are concerned that alleged war criminals and human-rights abusers are running in the 18 September elections, AFP reported. Such individuals include Sayed Mohammad Gulabzoi, a parliamentary candidate from Khost Province who served in a senior position under the Soviet-backed regime. Former high-level leaders in the Taliban regime are also running, including Wakil Ahmad Mutawakil, the Taliban’s foreign minister, and Qalamuddin, the former minister for the prevention of vice and the promotion of virtue. Human Rights Watch also said that some of the candidates had censured themselves during the campaign in order to avoid conflict with local commanders or warlords. “When we give a speech, we don’t name these people, or criticize them, we just make veiled references to them, and to warlordism,” a candidate told the rights group.

Going back to the Eurasia Daily Monitor article, in conjunction with the one posted above, it’s extremely important to realize that the international presence in Afghanistan is what’s allowing the country to stay together as it rebuilds into a stable state that can fend for itself. It’s smoothing over the influence of warlords and preventing too much intervention from states hostile to the growth and stabilization of democracy in the region. For example, think of a country that starts with I and ends with ran. These elections are a very nationalist moment that will help solidify the country on the principle of citizenship instead of ethnicity.

But along those same lines, there is also the fear that violence will erupt on behalf of losing candidates. Luckily, voting will be transparent, with hundreds of international and domestic observers taking part, and tens of thousands of policeman on guard to make sure that the process isn’t derailed. JEMB has also, thankfully, fixed a lot of the problems that almost discredited the presidential election. The indelible ink will no longer be able to be washed off, for example.

This is a really exciting time, as the people of Afghanistan are taking their lives and their liberty into their own hands. They are becoming responsible for their own destinies, which means that they have a solid stake in continuing this process of democratization and development.

Here is what people are saying after voting.

Habib Shah Eqbal Ansari, a soldier from the Afghan Defense Ministry, speaking to RFE/RL after voting on Sunday morning at the Alfatha High School in Kabul said:

“There were some problems in the provinces. [The Taliban] has threatened people by telling them they had put some spy cameras inside the polling booths so that they can watch people as they cast their votes. This is not true. But because people are afraid of gunmen, they believe such threats. I say to the people that this is a lie. And nobody can stop this election process.”

Amannudin Temoori, a 35-year-old man speaking to RFE/RL after voting at Alfatha High School in Kabul early Sunday morning:

“This is a day of celebration for us. We are proud and we are using our freedom to vote. We are voting for the people who will work for the people of Afghanistan and can be productive in the parliament. And they must be well-known people with an education. If these educated and well-known people enter the parliament, it will be a good parliament and [the legislature] can do good things for the country. So democracy here in Afghanistan will develop further.”

Somsri Hananuntasuk, an international election observer from the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) speaking to the RFE/RL at polling station at the Malalai High School in central Kabul:

“I am concerned about the understanding of the poll officers whether they understand well about the process, about what they want to do because it seems to me that they don’t know that the polls should open for voters to vote at 600.Some voters just came here and got angry.”

“We had some reports from Kandahar about a person who got more than one registration card. This means that a person who gets two or three registration cards can vote three times. It means that the rumors we had received in the last few days [about multiple voter registration cards being issued] is true. So in that case, we wonder if it happened in other areas [as well],” Somsri Hananuntasuk said.

Shirin Javid, a school teacher in Kabul speaking after she cast her ballots Sunday in Kabul said:

“I’m very happy because I voted according to my wish. There are people who have blood on their hands, they are standing as candidates. My complaint from president Karzai is that he let them run. Their own people, the murderers will vote for them, killers should not become people’s candidates.”

Askar Best, woman doctor in Kabul who is working as the JEMB’s head of woman’s polling station at the Wazir Akbar Khan Mosque in central Kabul:

“My wish is that the elections that are taking place today, will be in the benefit of our country and our people who are trying hard and who are concerned that the elections could have negative consequences. May these elections open [a window of opportunity] for the people of Afghanistan.”

Narguess, Kabul woman student, 20 years old, after voting Sunday morning:

“I voted for [candidates] whose doesn’t have blood on [his or her] hands. We voted for them and I except from them?God willing — that our country reaches a high and good position.”

Nafissa, 40-year old Kabul woman who teaches at a kindergarten in Kabul speaking after voting early Sunday:

“I vote for somebody who is a patriot, somebody who will do his best for the development of our country, somebody who would create peace and a good life for women.”

publiuspundit.com



To: Rambi who wrote (186)9/19/2005 11:10:35 AM
From: Constant Reader  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 2253
 
Faith does breed charity

We atheists have to accept that most believers are better human beings

Roy Hattersley
Monday September 12, 2005
The Guardian

Hurricane Katrina did not stay on the front pages for long. Yesterday's Red Cross appeal for an extra 40,000 volunteer workers was virtually ignored.

The disaster will return to the headlines when one sort of newspaper reports a particularly gruesome discovery or another finds additional evidence of President Bush's negligence. But month after month of unremitting suffering is not news. Nor is the monotonous performance of the unpleasant tasks that relieve the pain and anguish of the old, the sick and the homeless - the tasks in which the Salvation Army specialise.

The Salvation Army has been given a special status as provider-in-chief of American disaster relief. But its work is being augmented by all sorts of other groups. Almost all of them have a religious origin and character.

Notable by their absence are teams from rationalist societies, free thinkers' clubs and atheists' associations - the sort of people who not only scoff at religion's intellectual absurdity but also regard it as a positive force for evil.

The arguments against religion are well known and persuasive. Faith schools, as they are now called, have left sectarian scars on Northern Ireland. Stem-cell research is forbidden because an imaginary God - who is not enough of a philosopher to realise that the ingenuity of a scientist is just as natural as the instinct of Rousseau's noble savage - condemns what he does not understand and the churches that follow his teaching forbid their members to pursue cures for lethal diseases.

Yet men and women who believe that the Pope is the devil incarnate, or (conversely) regard his ex cathedra pronouncements as holy writ, are the people most likely to take the risks and make the sacrifices involved in helping others. Last week a middle-ranking officer of the Salvation Army, who gave up a well-paid job to devote his life to the poor, attempted to convince me that homosexuality is a mortal sin.

Late at night, on the streets of one of our great cities, that man offers friendship as well as help to the most degraded and (to those of a censorious turn of mind) degenerate human beings who exist just outside the boundaries of our society. And he does what he believes to be his Christian duty without the slightest suggestion of disapproval. Yet, for much of his time, he is meeting needs that result from conduct he regards as intrinsically wicked.

Civilised people do not believe that drug addiction and male prostitution offend against divine ordinance. But those who do are the men and women most willing to change the fetid bandages, replace the sodden sleeping bags and - probably most difficult of all - argue, without a trace of impatience, that the time has come for some serious medical treatment. Good works, John Wesley insisted, are no guarantee of a place in heaven. But they are most likely to be performed by people who believe that heaven exists.

The correlation is so clear that it is impossible to doubt that faith and charity go hand in hand. The close relationship may have something to do with the belief that we are all God's children, or it may be the result of a primitive conviction that, although helping others is no guarantee of salvation, it is prudent to be recorded in a book of gold, like James Leigh Hunt's Abu Ben Adam, as "one who loves his fellow men". Whatever the reason, believers answer the call, and not just the Salvation Army. When I was a local councillor, the Little Sisters of the Poor - right at the other end of the theological spectrum - did the weekly washing for women in back-to-back houses who were too ill to scrub for themselves.

It ought to be possible to live a Christian life without being a Christian or, better still, to take Christianity à la carte. The Bible is so full of contradictions that we can accept or reject its moral advice according to taste. Yet men and women who, like me, cannot accept the mysteries and the miracles do not go out with the Salvation Army at night.

The only possible conclusion is that faith comes with a packet of moral imperatives that, while they do not condition the attitude of all believers, influence enough of them to make them morally superior to atheists like me. The truth may make us free. But it has not made us as admirable as the average captain in the Salvation Army.

guardian.co.uk

Roy Hattersley is a prolific author and former Deputy Leader of the Labour Party

I saw this article last week and thought he had some interesting things to say but I hesitated to post it here because almost any discussion of religion and politics is doomed before it starts. On reflection, I think he makes a valid argument, although many will be uncomfortable with it.



To: Rambi who wrote (186)9/21/2005 8:37:15 AM
From: Constant Reader  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 2253
 
Thought you might be interested in economist Megan McArdle's take on the airline industry, which I believe probably mirrors the views expressed in your family.

Whither aviation?

Why can't the airlines seem to get it together?

Three reasons, seemingly. First, the labour model is terrible. They are saddled with pensions promises they made back when the industry was heavily regulated and airlines were basically allowed to operate on a cost-plus basis. They have multiple, militant unions, none of whom have any incentive to leave any value on the table at negotiating time because they justifiably fear that anything they leave at the negotiating table will simply be claimed by another union. And the unions, plagued by loss aversion, will generally not give up enough in downturns to make the airline profitable unless they are ordered to by a bankruptcy judge.

Second of all, the business model is terrible. Airlines have a very high fixed cost, which is the cost of flying even if you don't carry any passengers, and a very low marginal cost, which is the cost of carrying each additional passenger. The temptation for airlines to sell empty "extra" seats at a very low price is extremely high. But every time one airline does this, it makes it that much harder for competitors to operate at a profit. Because so many of the costs are fixed, companies seem to enter a competitive death spiral, where everyone is desperately trying to dig themselves out of the hole as best they can by selling their product below cost. Also, the "hub-and-spoke" model, which makes it easy to get connecting flights, is much less profitable than the point-to-point model competitors use, cherry-picking only the most lucrative routes. And the airlines are hugely vulnerable to swings in the price of fuel.

Third, the legal model sucks. Easy bankruptcy is a very fine thing for the economy as a whole, but for industries like airlines, which because of the high-fixed/low-marginal cost thing already tend to be plagued by overcapacity, it's a disaster. Creditors would almost always rather keep the hulk running in the hopes of getting some cash out down the road than liquidate, especially because most of an airline's major assets, like planes, tend to be secured, leaving precious little for hungry debtees. So they rehabilitate the business with radically reduced debt and labour obligations. But this doesn't remove the excess capacity that makes it hard for anyone to make a profit; in fact, it makes the rehabilitated business more competitive, which pushes other companies into bankruptcy.

Is there hope? Transportation seems to be an iffy business; railroads as an industry never made a dime for their owners. Certainly, if I were an airline employee, I'd be looking into acquiring some new skills.

janegalt.net



To: Rambi who wrote (186)9/21/2005 8:45:04 AM
From: Constant Reader  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 2253
 
The answer is'nt to become an industry of Southwests

Not to inundate you with views you've probably already heard (I meant to post the McArdle piece yesterday), but I ran across this opinion piece by Holman W. Jenkins Jr. in today's Wall Street Journal. It underscores the point that Crandall made earlier. (I wasn't aware of the government's equity stakes in the bankrupt airlines due to assumption of pension obligations, were you?)

Needed: Fewer, Freer Airlines

September 21, 2005; Page A27

Belated kudos to the United Airlines pilots union for flooding my inbox with unprintable rejoinders after a column calling for the bankrupt carrier's liquidation. Many useful suggestions were provided regarding where I could store common office objects on my person. Not forthcoming was any cogent challenge to my main point: By keeping United alive and agreeing to relieve it of its pension costs, the government was only making it more likely that other carriers would follow suit.

Northwest and Delta, which filed for Chapter 11 last week, will end up dumping their pension obligations now too. Much pain will be borne but the happy ending -- an airline industry that investors will sustain, customers will value and the government won't have to bail out -- won't be any closer.

Traffic is strong, the economy is growing, so the mainline carriers should be accumulating the surpluses now that will see them through the next downturn. But they're not, guaranteeing a worse bloodletting a few years from now.

The answer isn't to become an industry of Southwests. Southwest Airlines may be profitable, but by its own testimony, it's a "niche player." It flies between cities that generate enough traffic to sustain direct service, yet avoids for the most part flying to hubs controlled by the majors or trying to serve the 38,000 city-pair markets that generate fewer than 50 passengers a day.

Notice, too, that Southwest's pilots are rapidly becoming some of the highest-paid in the industry, and its celebrated but temporary oil-price hedges, which reportedly saved it $196 million on its fuel bill in the second quarter, more than accounted for the second quarter's profit of $159 million. In short, not even the industry darling is guaranteed an easy life in the shakeout ahead.

It's time to talk about market power -- defined as an industry player or players having sufficient clout to set fares that will cover their costs and make them stick. Anyone who thinks all will be satisfactory once a few high-cost airlines have patched themselves up in Chapter 11 should stay tuned. The mess will just get messier.

Cover the dog's ears because we're about to utter a heresy: The industry's innately challenging economics would be a lot more manageable if airlines were freed from some of our misguided antitrust prejudice against cooperative acts by competitors. We'll leave elaboration for a future column, but a good start would be freedom to enter and exit code-sharing deals at will.

Let's revisit recent history. Not entirely accurate is the impression of the old legacy carriers simply flailing without a plan, hoping somehow to hold it together until their rivals finally vanish in bankruptcy liquidation.

Yes, that's been the plan lately, but serious managerial attempts were once made to get ahead of the curve. Five years ago, United and US Airways sought to merge but abandoned the attempt when trustbusters stood in the way. Now both airlines are in Chapter 11. Northwest and Delta have been trying, in a complicated jig, to establish a code-sharing relationship as a halfway house to a merger. That effort has been opposed by the Justice Department. Delta and Northwest are now in bankruptcy.

In addition, rougher and readier solutions to the industry's problem of excess capacity have also been tried. After flight attendants and baggage handlers at US Airways stranded thousands of passengers over Christmas with an impromptu "sick-out," Delta sought to administer the coup de grace by slashing fares, while Southwest announced plans to invade US Airways' lucrative Pittsburgh stronghold.

Most industry experts would have told you (and still would) that US Airways was destined to disappear. But despite the best efforts of its competitors, the airline clings to life. Blame a bankruptcy judge, a federal loan and federal assumption of its pension obligations. Its merger partner, America West, has received similar aid. The government will even own a sizeable stake in the merged carriers after bankruptcy.

For now, US Airways has basically been sponsored by the government to go out and undercut the fare structure of competitors that haven't availed themselves of federal favors.

Ditto United Airlines. In bankruptcy for three years, the carrier never received a bailout loan but the window was kept open as an inducement for management to hang on. A federal bankruptcy judge entertained United's silly antitrust complaint against creditors who were seeking to repossess planes just before last year's holiday travel season. Having taken over United's pensions, now the government owns an equity stake in the airline that only increases its incentive to keep United flying.

With the latest bankruptcy filings of Northwest and Delta, politicians talk bravely about how they're finished bailing out airlines. All bets will be off, however, if American Airlines opts for Chapter 11 in the months ahead.

In any case, let's not delude ourselves: Through the bankruptcy and pension insurance systems, Washington is already engaged in a bailout -- an incoherent and self-defeating one. After Sept. 11, as long as the feds were in the business of lending money to ailing airlines, we argued that the bailout board should fully embrace the merchant banker role and sponsor the necessary deals to reduce the legacy airlines to a smaller number of stronger carriers.

That opportunity was missed once, but don't be surprised if it comes around again with the greater implosion still ahead.

URL for this article:
online.wsj.com