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To: Sully- who wrote (17528)1/31/2006 11:05:57 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Pyrrhus Takes a Victory Lap

BY JAMES TARANTO
Best of the Web Today
Tuesday, January 31, 2006

"Today's 58-42 vote to confirm Samuel Alito represents the second-highest number of votes against a confirmed Supreme Court nominee in the nation's history," boasts Ralph Neas, head of the extremist group that styles itself the People for the American Way. Remember how down in the dumps Neas and his crowd were back in 1987, when by an identical margin the Senate rejected the nomination of Robert Bork?

Ha ha, neither do we!

That's because you don't get down in the dumps when you win, and only losers boast about how close it was. A statement from Nan Aron of the so-called Alliance for Justice repeats the trope:


<<< Instead of a judge who would garner wide support from both parties, President Bush chose a divisive nominee who was opposed by nearly every Democratic senator. Other than Clarence Thomas, Judge Alito received more no votes than any Supreme Court nominee in the last 100 years. >>>

Yeah, well, instead of dividing the country, the Democrats could have voted for Alito--as 41 Republicans did for Ruth Bader Ginsburg and 33 for Stephen Breyer. (Voters rewarded Republicans by handing them control of the Senate at the very next opportunity.)

But who cares? As Neas says, "Moral victories are not sufficient." Actual victories, however, are.


opinionjournal.com

opinionjournal.com

releases.usnewswire.com

senate.gov

senate.gov



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)1/31/2006 11:15:33 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Polarization

-- PoliPundit

Worth noting: Each of the five senators who crossed party lines on the Alito vote hails from a state that went for the other party’s presidential candidate by 13 points or more.

polipundit.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)2/1/2006 7:34:43 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Alito ... Boo!

by Ann Coulter

Posted Feb 01, 2006

There now ... nominating a conservative to the Supreme Court wasn't that scary, was it? Hey, who wants to go again?

Democrats have the most exaggerated reputation for fearsomeness since Saddam Hussein's vaunted "Elite Republican Guard" -- the ones who ran like scared schoolgirls when U.S. forces toppled Iraq in 17 days flat.

A few years ago, the Democrats wouldn't allow a vote on Bush's Hispanic, black and female judicial nominees. Sen. Bill Frist was afraid of what the Democrats might do, so he backed down. Scary Democrats! And not just Joe Biden's hair plugs -- all of them were scary to Sen. Frist!

The nominations languished, and eventually some of the nominees, like Miguel Estrada, withdrew their names.

Then a Republican lawyer on the Judiciary Committee, Manuel Miranda, found memos Democrats left on open computer files proving that the Democrats were targeting Bush's Hispanic nominees like Miguel Estrada solely because they were Hispanic.

Message 19508233
Message 19884735

What do you suppose the Democrats would have done if they ever found a memo by Republican Senate staffers opposing Ruth Bader Ginsburg, say, because she was Jewish?

For reasons I still don't understand, instead of these memos being the Democrats' scandal, they became the Republicans' scandal.
Democrats were outraged that Miranda had not chastely refused to read the memos Democrats had stupidly left on open files. Consequently, Frist fired Miranda.

The man most responsible for blocking Bush's judicial nominees in the first term was Sen. Tom Daschle. He is now citizen Tom Daschle, having been thrown out of office by South Dakota voters for not running enough TV ads showing him hugging President Bush. Daschle's loss gave Republicans an even larger majority in the Senate.

Yes, these Democrats certainly were a force to be reckoned with!

I will dispense with recapitulating the unpleasantness over Bush's last high court nominee, except to say that within days of Bush's nominating Democrat Harry Reid's friend Harriet Miers, every Republican in the nation was opposed to her. The only exceptions were people whose sole reason for living is to receive a personal phone call from Karl Rove.

Only because of the grassroots revolt against Miers were Republicans in Washington finally forced to face their worst nightmare.

Terror, thy name is Samuel Alito. Or as he is now known: "Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito."

The New York Times recently described the Republican campaign to get Alito on the court as a calculated strategy similar to Gen. Eisenhower's execution of the Normandy invasion. The meticulous plan, according to the Times, was mapped out by a secret conspiracy of Republicans similar to the Illuminati, also known as "the same weenies who gave us Harriet Miers."

According to Times reporter David Kirkpatrick, the weenies "laid out a two-part strategy to roll out behind whomever the president picked, people present said. The plan: first, extol the nonpartisan legal credentials of the nominee, steering the debate away from the nominee's possible influence over hot-button issues. Second, attack the liberal groups they expected to oppose any Bush nominee."

At no point in the article exposing the secret Republican plan did Kirkpatrick mention that the nominee ignored the plan. Sam Alito was a walking hot-button issue. I believe his sainted mother's remarks put a quick end to the Republicans' genius "stealth" campaign. Alito is everything Washington weenies have been petrified of since -- well, probably since the Bork nomination.

And yet, despite the NARAL ladies running around Capitol Hill with machetes, Alito was confirmed by the Senate in the exact same 58-42 vote that Robert Bork got (except reversed this time!).

That's what happens when you win elections. No wonder Democrats don't get this -- they've only won a couple of elections in the last quarter-century.

It's one thing for Democrats to be in denial about steady Republican election victories since 1994. It's quite another for Republicans to be in denial about them, too.

humaneventsonline.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)2/1/2006 10:15:57 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
WHY ELECTIONS MATTER

Kathryn Jean Lopez
The Corner

John Roberts swearing in Samuel Alito. It's a beautiful thing.
Two young lawyers who can read the U.S. Constitution

corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)2/4/2006 5:37:53 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Supreme Court Arithmetic

Conservatives should hope that Bush's next choice gets fewer than 58 votes.

by Jeffrey Bell & Frank Cannon
The Weekly Standard
02/13/2006

IF PRESIDENT BUSH GETS TO make a third appointment to the Supreme Court this year, odds are he'll be filling a seat occupied by one of the court's five liberals. Their average age is 72, while the average age of the court's four conservatives is 58.

In that eventuality, you'll know something historic has happened if Bush's nominee gets 58 votes--or fewer.

In the current Senate, there are 54 Republicans--55 if you insist on counting Rhode Island's Lincoln Chafee, who voted against Samuel Alito and admits he didn't vote for the Bush-Cheney ticket in the 2004 election. Alito won the votes of those 54 Republicans, plus four Democrats who represent very, very conservative red states.

In a putative 2006 battle for the seat that will determine ideological control of the court, Ralph Neas of People for the American Way and the handful of other liberal lobbyists who call the tune for Democratic senators on judicial issues will undoubtedly exceed their impressive performance on the Alito nomination. The same lobbyists who enticed John Kerry down from the ski slopes of Davos, Switzerland, and got more than 90 percent of Senate Democrats to vote against a brilliant, articulate, universally respected conservative with 15 years of judicial experience, will undoubtedly do even better when liberals are in imminent danger of losing control of the High Court for the first time in 70 years. Neas may pick up one or two more Blue State Republicans and may even squeeze a couple of additional Red State Democrats into signing their own political death warrants.

In the high-stakes election year of 2006, Republican national chairman Ken Mehlman certainly hopes so. Mehlman is acutely aware that the single biggest factor that has given his party its current solid margin of Senate control is the politics of judicial confirmation. In the two election cycles since Bush became president, when Republicans went from minus two to plus ten in the Senate, a total of nine Senate seats switched hands from Democratic to Republican. Seven of these were in the South, and an eighth was the South Dakota seat of Democratic leader Thomas Daschle, the architect of Democratic judicial obstructionism in Bush's first term.

There are signs that brass-knuckled judicial battles are becoming a less than unalloyed Democratic blessing even in some socially liberal blue states. Thanks to Neas, freshly appointed New Jersey senator Robert Menendez last week found himself, in his maiden Senate speech, explaining why it would be a good thing to filibuster the nomination of an Italian American from New Jersey.

The truth is that age-old liberal hot buttons are growing stale. During the Alito battle, a 1985 job application memo was leaked in which Alito wrote that "the Constitution does not protect a right to an abortion." Neas leapt on the memo, telling an interviewer at the time, "I believe this will be seen as a catalytic moment, when senators and the public questioned what they knew about him." Neas was wrong on both counts. Senators on both sides had been aware for some time that Alito is a judicial conservative, and the already solid public approval of the nomination went up in subsequent polling.

Particularly striking was the quick collapse of a filibuster attempt by the Democratic leadership. A Democratic caucus that had held solid for the filibuster of multiple nominations to the federal circuit courts in Bush's first term could muster only 25 of the 41 votes needed to block Alito. It's now evident that last year's bipartisan "Gang of 14" led by John McCain, which at first appeared to preserve the Democrats' right of judicial filibuster, has instead delivered effective control of the Senate confirmation calendar to Majority Leader Bill Frist.

As a result, Senate Democrats' ability to hold the Bush vote count to 58 or below has stopped being a mortal threat to a competent conservative nominee. Indeed, the triggering of another ideological clash, coming deeper into the election year, is the best bet for Republicans to defy the odds and enjoy a third straight cycle of Senate gains in 2006.

So the thing for conservatives to hope for is 58 votes or fewer for the next Bush Supreme Court choice. A higher count than that will mean one of two things, both of them bad: Bush has picked the wrong person, or (far less likely) the Democrats have decided to stop Ralph Neas and his acolytes from digging them into an even deeper Senate hole.

Jeffrey Bell and Frank Cannon are principals of Capital City Partners, a Washington consulting firm.

weeklystandard.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)3/30/2006 4:23:46 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Moronic and bizarre

Power Line

That's how Quin Hillyer describes the Senate Republicans' reluctance to push judicial nominees. Hillyer is being charitable. Confirming stalled and new appeals court nominees should be the Senate's highest priority. First, the window for confirming conservative nominees (some of whom have been waiting for years) may well be closing. It's far from clear that Republicans will have a majority in the Senate after this year, and it's unlikely that they will control enough seats to use or credibily threaten the nuclear option. Second, as Hillyer shows, fighting for conservative nominees is an excellent way to reduce the likelihood of losing seats.

The legacy of the Gang of 14 agreement is still up for grabs. But, as Hillyer notes, so far it has left more appellate slots unfilled than it has helped to fill. Unless that changes, conservatives will have every right to feel betrayed by the deal and by the Republican dealmakers.

powerlineblog.com

spectator.org



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/3/2006 2:27:00 PM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 35834
 
A Public Disservice

Senate Democrats unjustly and hypocritically attack Kavanaugh.

By Edward Whelan
National Review Online

The Senate Judiciary Committee is scheduled to vote Thursday morning on President Bush’s nomination of Brett Kavanaugh to the D.C. Circuit. The eight Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee will vote en bloc against Kavanaugh’s nomination. With the support of all ten Republicans on the committee, Kavanaugh should be favorably reported to the Senate floor by a 10 to 8 party-line vote.

Democrats will then try to translate their own unprincipled and partisan opposition to Kavanaugh into the charge that Kavanaugh himself is somehow too partisan. But they have no evidence to support this charge—and a long tradition to defy. Unhinged by their own frenzied hostility to President Bush and former independent counsel Ken Starr, the Democrats, supposed champions of public service, will really be punishing Kavanaugh for his highly commendable record of public service.

Nominated to the D.C. Circuit nearly three years ago, Kavanaugh, now 41, has a remarkable breadth of experience that few judicial nominees could match. Among other things, he has been a Supreme Court clerk (to Justice Kennedy), has devoted more than ten years to federal-government service, has served in a senior position in the executive branch, has been a partner in a major national law firm, and has argued cases in the Supreme Court and court of appeals. In his various jobs, he has earned the admiration of people across the political spectrum who have worked with him (as the numerous quotations of endorsements in these White House talking points establish). That’s part of the reason that all 42 members of three different incarnations of the American Bar Association Committee on the Federal Judiciary have rated him “well qualified” or “qualified” for the D.C. Circuit seat.

This country has a long tradition of recognizing that judging is distinct from politics and of trusting that persons of integrity who have been successful in public life—even on behalf of partisan figures or causes—can don the judicial robes and serve justice. This tradition has been prominently reflected in several of the most recent Democratic appointees to the D.C. Circuit.

President Carter, for example, appointed Abner Mikva, Patricia Wald, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the D. C. Circuit. Mikva had been a very liberal Democrat in the Illinois legislature and in Congress for some 21 of the 23 years preceding his appointment. Among other things, he was a leading voice in support of gun control and had labeled the National Rifle Association the “street-crime lobby in Washington.” Wald was a political appointee in the Justice Department at the time of her nomination and, before then, had been an activist lawyer for left-wing advocacy groups for a decade. And Ginsburg was general counsel of the ACLU and counsel for the ACLU Women’s Rights Project.

More recently, one of President Clinton’s three appointees to the D.C. Circuit was Merrick Garland. Garland, 44 at the time of his appointment, was a high-level political appointee in the Clinton Justice Department. He had also been a law clerk to Justice Brennan.

With the exception of Garland, whose record is comparable to Kavanaugh’s, these Democratic appointees all had records that were overtly far more partisan than Kavanaugh’s. As a legislator, Mikva adopted an array of liberal positions that were unambiguously his own. And Wald and Ginsburg each chose to devote their legal abilities to work for highly partisan organizations.

Kavanaugh’s allegedly “partisan” employment, like Garland’s, has all been for the United States government. Senate Democrats intensely dislike the fact that Kavanaugh worked for Ken Starr’s independent-counsel investigation of the Clintons. But by all accounts (including Bob Woodward’s), Kavanaugh performed responsibly. Indeed, Democrats should applaud the fact that Kavanaugh urged that the Starr report focus solely on possible legal grounds for impeachment and later sought to prevent public release by the House of graphic details of President Clinton’s sexual misconduct.

Since 2001, Kavanaugh has also worked in the White House, first in the White House Counsel’s office and more recently as White House staff secretary. Democrats’ primary complaint appears to be that Kavanaugh has effectively implemented the president’s positions. During the floor debate on Justice Alito’s nomination to the Supreme Court, Senate Democrats argued repeatedly that Harriet Miers should have been the nominee. Ironically, Senate Democrats now contend that the very White House experience that helped qualify Miers in their eyes for the Supreme Court—service as staff secretary and in the White House Counsel’s office—somehow should count against Kavanaugh for the D.C. Circuit.

Senate Democrats are demonstrating by their conduct that they are too partisan even to treat nominees like Kavanaugh with basic decency and fairness. If they filibuster Kavanaugh’s nomination, the duty of Senate Republicans to reform the Senate’s cloture rules to prevent irresponsible filibusters of judicial nominees will be clear.

— Edward Whelan is president of the Ethics and Public Policy Center and is a regular contributor to NRO's "Bench Memos" blog on judicial nominations.

article.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/4/2006 1:37:23 PM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (5) | Respond to of 35834
 
Senate Republicans Suck

Kathryn Jean Lopez
The Corner

That's not an entirely unfair subject line—especially if some of the buzz in the air this morning is true: that Senate Republicans may cave into unfair, hyper-partisan Dems today and agree to hold a second Brett Kavanaugh hearing. Been there done that. Vote already. Let's get 'em on record—if Democrats want to drop the f-bomb, they've drawn their line in the sand. And the Republican response to a filibuster should be clear.

(Ed Whelan says it all here .)
article.nationalreview.com

I'm sorry the subject line is not edifying, but neither is the Senate.

corner.nationalreview.com

article.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/26/2006 4:30:36 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Inouye: No Way!

BY JAMES TARANTO
Best of the Web Today
Friday, May 26, 2006

Also confirmed today: Brett Kavanaugh as a judge on the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. This was the first disputed appellate court nominee since the so-called Gang of 14 agreement, a year ago this week, ended judicial filibusters for the duration of this Congress. The vote on confirmation was 57-36, with Democrats Robert Byrd (W.Va.), Tom Carper (Del.), Mary Landrieu (La.) and Ben Nelson (Neb.) voting "yes."

Yesterday's cloture vote--in which the agreement of 60 senators was needed to avoid a filibuster--was 67-30. One of the Gangsters, Hawaii's Daniel Inouye, voted "no." (Another, Colorado's Salazar, missed the vote.) We guess technically Inouye didn't thereby violate the agreement, which provides:

<<< Signatories will exercise their responsibilities under the Advice and Consent Clause of the United State Constitution in good faith. Nominees should only be filibustered under extraordinary circumstances, and each signatory must use his or her own discretion and judgment in determining whether such circumstances exist. >>>

This would seem to allow any individual Gangster unlimited latitude in voting against cloture, so long as his vote is meaningless, as this one was. But if, the next time around, two more follow Inouye and vote against cloture, the whole agreement could break down, prompting the Republicans to go nuclear. And we don't want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud.

opinionjournal.com

msmagazine.com

senate.gov

senate.gov

foxnews.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)6/29/2006 4:39:44 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Fourth and long

Power Line

In previous a post, I noted how badly the Bush administration has fared when it comes to placing restained conservative judges on the Fourth Circuit. Part of the fault lies with the Senate, which has failed to confirm Jim Haynes and Terrence Boyle. However, the administration has also been too inclined to nominate non-conservatives and, more recently, has failed to nominate anyone to fill the vacancy left by one of the nation's outstanding conservative jurists, J. Michael Luttig.

The National Law Journal reports on how territorial disputes and the obstructionist mentality of some Senators whose states fall within the jurisdiction of the Fourth Circuit have become major impediments to the selection of a successor to Luttig, as well as a successor to Judge Francis Murnaghan who died almost six years ago. Murnaghan was a Maryland judge, so the administration must contend with the state's two liberal Democratic Senators. In the case of Luttig's slot, the squabble is between the Republican Senators from Virginia and North Carolina.

And that squabbling is only the first impediment to filling this vacancy with a conservative of something approaching Luttig's caliber. Assuming that the vacancy eventually goes to a Virginian, the administration likely would need to look past the recommendations of Senator Warner -- he of the gang of 14. Hopefully, Senator Allen, a serious conservative, will step up to the plate and assist the administration in selecting a worthy successor to Judge Luttig.

powerlineblog.com

powerlineblog.com

law.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)7/13/2006 1:01:33 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Dems Threaten Filibuster On Another Judicial Nomination

By Katie MacGuidwin
GOP.com Blog

July 12, 2006: Dems may soon be refusing to give a fair up-or-down vote to another highly qualified judicial nominee. The Washington Times reports “Senate Democrats said yesterday that they are considering a filibuster of President Bush's latest nominee to the federal appeals court. ‘We'll do whatever is necessary to protect the judiciary,’ Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid told reporters yesterday when asked whether Democrats would block the nomination of William J. Haynes II to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit, based in Richmond.”

gop.com

washingtontimes.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)11/17/2006 6:41:52 AM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 35834
 
Here's an interesting nomination

Power Line

President Bush has nominated former Rep. James Rogan to be a district judge in California (central district). Rogan was one of the House floor managers during the Senate impeachment trial of President Clinton. He also has, in the parlance of the day, a great personal story, which he tells in his autobiography 'Rough Edges: My Unlikely Road from Welfare to Washington'.

Even in the age of judicial confirmation wars, district court nominees usually sail through the Senate. But with vengeful Hillary Clinton in the majority (recall the struggle over another the nomination of impeachment era personage, Brett Kavanaugh), we'll see how things go for Rogan.

UPDATE: To me, Rogan is a hero of the impeachment saga. As I recall, he had only narrowly been elected to Congress and was the one floor manager who took a huge political risk by pushing for Clinton's removal. As I've heard it told, Rogan's response when warned of the political danger was, in essence, that if the people in his district didn't want to see Clinton punished for his perjury then he (Rogan) wasn't so sure he wanted to represent them.

As to Hillary, it's almost certain that she won't want to revive memories of his husband's impeachment by making public stand against Rogan. However, she may have others do her bidding, as might have been the case with Kavanaugh. It's quite rare for district court nominees to face serious resistance but it's also quite rare to have an impeached president's wife in the Senate.

powerlineblog.com

amazon.com

powerlineblog.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)12/20/2006 7:26:14 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Why elections matter

Betsy's Page

Joan Biskupic writes today in the USA Today about how it seems clear that the arrival of John Roberts and Sam Alito on the bench at the Supreme Court is already seeming to make a difference.

<<< And although most of the major decisions in their first full term together won't be announced for months, Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Samuel Alito have signaled a readiness to move the court to the right.

In recent cases involving abortion, global warming and school integration, Roberts and Alito have been aggressive and sometimes feisty proponents of conservative views and particularly sympathetic to arguments by the Bush administration.

Their tactics have added flair to the court's public sessions and have contrasted sharply with the tentative approach that moderate Justices Sandra Day O'Connor and Anthony Kennedy often took in disputes over abortion, affirmative action and other key issues. >>>

Conservatives are heartened and liberals are downcast. We'll see if her predictions hold up once the decisions are handed down. If they do, remember that as you think about the election in 2008. I suspect that John Paul Stevens and Ruth Bader Ginsburg will stay on the bench until there is a Democrat sitting in the Oval Office. But it does seem probable that the next president will have an opportunity to make more nominations. I would prefer even my least favorite Republican candidates duch as John McCain making the nominations than Obama or Clinton.

betsyspage.blogspot.com

usatoday.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/2/2009 1:36:42 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
A lawless president looks for a lawless Supreme Court Justice

By Paul
Power Line

President Obama made a short statement about the retirement of Justice Souter in which he outlined what he will be looking for in Souter's replacement. He stated, in part:

<<< I will seek someone who understands that justice isn't about some abstract legal theory or footnote in a case book. It is also about how our laws affect the daily realities of people's lives -- whether they can make a living and care for their families; whether they feel safe in their homes and welcome in their own nation.

I view that quality of empathy, of understanding and identifying with people's hopes and struggles as an essential ingredient for arriving as just decisions and outcomes >>> (emphasis added)


By indicating that his concern is not just with just decisions but also just outcomes, Obama reveals the lawless quality of his thinking. The legitimate function of a judge is to reach just decisions, full stop. Once judges, or the president who appoints them, start thinking about just outcomes, we are well down the path to judicial tyranny. And once just outcomes are defined as those that display empathy for "the people," we could be starting down the road to banana republic status.

Obama apparently wants outcomes that will make people feel welcome in their own nation. It's not clear to me what he's referring to here. But whatever it is, the extent to which people feel welcome must be determined by how their neighbors view them and, to the extent (limited, one hopes) the law becomes involved, the rights and benefits conferred by the language of the laws in question.

If Obama wants to appoint a Justice who has run or worked in a soup kitchen, that's fine. But it looks to me like he wants to appoint a Justice who will reach outcomes that establish "soup kitchens" regardless of whether that's the best view of the legal provision he or she is interpreting.

Expect the worst, not just from this judicial nomination but from all subsequent ones.



powerlineblog.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/2/2009 2:42:08 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Spurning Souter

By INVESTOR'S BUSINESS DAILY
Posted Friday, May 01, 2009 4:20 PM PT

Supreme Court: Retiring Justice David Souter's high-court career perfectly illustrates the political poisoning of the judicial confirmation process. His successor may very well be an improvement.


Overshadowed as it is in Americans' memories by the 1991 Clarence Thomas confirmation hearings, President George H.W. Bush's appointment of David Souter in 1990 is often forgotten. But it spoke volumes about the deterioration of the Supreme Court appointment process.

He was the ultimate "stealth candidate," chosen out of fear of a repeat of the 1987 Robert Bork defeat. The White House chief of staff, former New Hampshire Gov. John Sununu, was overjoyed with himself when he plucked the little-known and hermitic Souter from his rural Weare, N.H., cabin.

Working in state government pretty much continually since 1968 as a prosecutor and judge, Souter was on the federal bench a mere two months when President Bush accepted the advice of Sununu and Souter's ex-boss, liberal New Hampshire Republican Sen. Warren Rudman, naming the mystery man to the highest court in the land.

During hearings, the only Judiciary Committee member to sniff out traces of the liberalism that was to mark Souter's high court career was Sen. Gordon Humphrey, R-N.H., who elicited an admission that as a trustee of a hospital in Concord, Souter has approved its policy of performing abortions.

When the hearings were over, it was the Democrats who felt bamboozled, but two decades of Republican high court nominations should have taught this lesson: Doubt or the lack of a record means the candidate is likely to be a liberal.

Liberals haven't been dismayed with a Democratic high court appointment since John F. Kennedy picked Byron White, who wrote the dissent in Roe v. Wade.

Republican presidents, by contrast, appoint closet liberals again and again — Nixon gave us Chief Justice Warren Burger and Roe author Harry Blackmun, Ford gave us the court's current most liberal member, John Paul Stevens, and even Reagan gave us Sandra Day O'Connor and Anthony Kennedy.

In all those cases, what was needed was the guts to embrace and defend a nominee who understands that the Supreme Court's job is to judge, not act as an unelected superlegislature.

With the Democratic majority in the Senate likely to reach a filibuster-proof 60 votes, Barack Obama can obviously name whoever he wants.

In the summer of 2007, he said "we need somebody who's got the heart . . . the empathy to recognize what it's like to be a young, teenaged mom; the empathy to understand what it's like to be poor or African-American or gay or disabled or old. And that's the criteria by which I'm going to be selecting my judges."

That doesn't mean Oprah will be changing careers. "Empathy" may well mean someone steeped in radical "critical legal studies" thinking, which cynically views law as nothing more than wordplay and disguised politics. And he may choose someone who thinks international law should eclipse our Constitution.

But if the president really believes bipartisanship means "that we're open to each other's ideas," as he recently said, then why not consider someone a bit to the right of current Justices Stevens, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer?

A genuinely open, independent mind will find some of the legal wisdom of fellow justices like Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas rubbing off on him or her — which would be a marked improvement over David Souter.

ibdeditorials.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/5/2009 5:33:32 AM
From: Sully-1 Recommendation  Respond to of 35834
 
Krauthammer’s Take

NRO Staff
The Corner

From Friday’s “All-Stars.”

On Obama’s judicial philosophy:

<<< It's true that whoever Obama appoints is not going to make any change in the balance of the court because Souter was a liberal, as liberal as you come.

But I thought what Obama said today was really remarkable when he said I want someone on the court who understands that justice isn't about abstract legal theory. It's about how our laws affect the daily realities of people's lives.

Now that is not only wrong, it's deeply corrupting. The idea that you ought to be thinking about how the law affects the reality of someone's life is something that you do when you are passing a law or create a law. That's what you do if you are a member of Congress who represents people and their needs.

But once the law is passed, the only job a judge has is to interpret the law without consideration of a person's standing in life. Otherwise you could never have, say, a bank foreclosing on a home, because who, after all, is more affected, a bank that might lose a few dollars, or a family that's going to lose its home and future livelihood, et cetera?

The whole idea blinds a justice and the statutes that we have outside our courthouses of a blindfold over justice is that you do not look at a person's station in life, their needs in life, requirements in life. It's entirely about the law.

And for Obama to state the exact opposite openly as a way that will guide him in his appointments is quite radical. >>>


corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/15/2009 4:12:12 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
A recipe for lawlessness

By Paul
Power Line

It's a fundamental principle of our legal system that cases are to be decided based on the facts and the law, not one's likes, dislikes, and sympathies. The rule of law depends on this principle, because people's likes, dislikes, and sympathies are idiosyncratic and thus unpredictable. And when legal outcomes become too unpredictable, the question of how to comply with the law becomes anyone's guess.

This is why jurors typically are instructed by judges not to allow their sympathies to influence their verdicts. Here, for example, is a portion of an instruction contained in the Ninth Circuit Manual of Model Jury Instructions, Civil, 3.1 (2001):

<<< You must not be influenced by any personal likes or dislikes, opinions, prejudices, or sympathy. That means that you must decide the case solely on the evidence before you. You will recall that you took an oath promising to do so at the beginning of the case. >>>

The instruction does not state that if the evidence is ambiguous or the case is close, the juror should allow his or her sympathy to take over. Jurors might well do this, but they are not instructed to; rather they are instructed not to.

But Obama wants Supreme Court Justices who, in close cases at a minimum, will allow their sympathies (he says "empathy") to play a major role. And he wants those sympathies to run in favor of those who occupy stations in life that he finds appealing.
For example, as the Washington Post reports, Obama wants a Justice who would have sided with Lilly Ledbetter because (in Obama's words) she was "out there trying to raise a family, and [was] being treated unfairly." Under these circumstances, says our president, "the court has to stand up if nobody else will." This is true whether or not, on the best reading of the law and the facts, Ledbetter's suit was procedurally barred by the applicable law.

Thus for Barack Obama the result on the purely procedural issue before the Court in Ledbetter's case should have depended on (a) whether she was out there trying to raise a family and being treated unfairly and (b) whether someone else besides the Supreme Court Justices would stand up for her (Congress stood up for people like her by changing the legal provision in question, but it was too late to help Ledbetter -- all she got was her inaugural ball dance with Obama).

This is a recipe for lawlessness from a president whose lawlessness is already on display in other contexts.

UPDATE: My argument doesn't depend on the fact that, after she lost her case, Ledbetter lied about the facts to make herself appear more sympathetic. However, this fact points to an additional problem with "empathy" as a basis for deciding legal issues; it increases the likelihood that parties will deceive judges.



powerlineblog.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/17/2009 1:38:15 AM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Focus on the Supreme Court

    

Political Cartoons of Michael Ramirez
Editorial Cartoonist for Investor's Business Daily

ibdeditorials.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/23/2009 12:38:24 PM
From: Sully-  Respond to of 35834
 
Me - It's simple. Obama has ZERO problems lying his ass off to make a point, then completely contradicting himself later to further his LWE agenda.

******************************************

Obama and the Constitution

Peter Wehner
The Corner

I couldn’t help but notice that during his speech yesterday, President Obama spoke in reverential terms about the Constitution. Yet when it comes to his own judicial philosophy — and, I expect, to his Supreme Court nominee — the Constitution will be viewed with a great deal less veneration. It will be seen as a “living” document, one that has no fixed meaning and can be reinterpreted for any reason at all, with new rights being manufactured out of thin air and rights enumerated in the Constitution conveniently ignored. President Obama not only selectively invokes the Constitution to advance his ideological aims; he does so in all the wrong ways. It is an astonishing, and worrisome, thing to behold.

corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/23/2009 12:42:05 PM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 35834
 
Re: Obama and the Constitution

Andy McCarthy
The Corner

Pete, I think that's exactly right. After only 120 days, the Obama style is all too apparent: the more earnestness he exhibits in his rhetoric ("We are a nation at war," he's no socialist, the last thing he wants to be doing is taking over banks and running auto companies, etc.) the less likely it is that his actions will comport with that rhetoric.

As yesterday's editorial notes, in the speech, the president accused President Bush of adopting an "ad hoc legal approach for fighting terrorism that was neither effective nor sustainable — a framework that failed to trust in our institutions, and that failed to use our values as a compass.” Let's put aside that the first part of that assertion, as the editorial demonstrates, is absurd: the Bush policies were far from ad hoc, they have been spectacularly successful, and Obama himself (for all his disclaimers) is sustaining them. I want to focus on the second part.

When businesses fail, we have a framework, an institution, and a set of values that are triggered: The framework is called bankruptcy, the institution is the United States Bankruptcy Court, and the applicable values are found in the corpus known as federal bankruptcy law, which prescribe bedrock principles like: secured creditors take priority over unsecured creditors. Rather than trusting in those things and using settled law as a compass, Obama has adopted an ad hoc approach which has proved grossly ineffective and — given the moral hazard it infuses in the entire financial system — unsustainable.

Why isn't the GM debacle a violation of the "rule of law" that Pres. Obama and Attorney General Holder are so fond of lecturing us about?


corner.nationalreview.com



To: Sully- who wrote (17528)5/27/2009 3:16:10 AM
From: Sully-  Read Replies (50) | Respond to of 35834
 
Supreme Contortions

By Sally Zelikovsky
American Thinker

With the nomination of Sonia Sotomayor comes yet another democrat sleight of hand--ignoring one reality and twisting another.

Obama calls for a Supreme Court justice who </i"understands that justice isn't about some abstract legal theory or footnote in a case book, it is also about how our laws affect the daily realities of people's lives, whether they can make a living, and care for their families, whether they feel safe in their homes, and welcome in their own nation. I view that quality of empathy, of understanding and identifying with people's hopes and struggles as an essential ingredient for arriving at just decisions and outcomes."

In addition to experience, competence, intelligence and a law degree, Mr. Obama is seeking a resume with the added virtues of empathy and the experience of having overcome life's obstacles.

A close examination of a few of the sitting Supreme Court justices should shed some light on Obama's expectation that empathy and a tough life will necessarily translate into the kind of justice Obama would like to see on the bench.

If, indeed, overcoming life's hardships is critical to one's nomination and somehow perceived as an indication of how a justice will rule from the supreme bench, then Clarence Thomas, would surely win the prize. Having come from probably the poorest background of any of the sitting justices, no father in the family picture, raised by his grandparents and having clawed his way through schools and life with only his intellect as a guide, he should be revered by the left.

Instead, he was reviled and maligned before stepping foot onto the bench and has been anything but lauded for his Supreme Court decisions. Clearly misguided, the left perceives Thomas as a sell-out, an Uncle Tom, who, because of his conservative viewpoint, does not rule from his heart and is not driven by the empathy and compassion he should possess based on his personal experiences.
(Ironically, Thomas is more or less the conscience of the Court, often reminding his brothers and sisters of the Court's proper role, ever toeing the line that judges should not legislate from the bench. He has often expressed discomfort with the outcome of some of the decisions but has made clear that they are issues to be resolved by the legislature and not the Court.)

Had life's hardships and Thomas' ability to relate to the average guy on the street been requirements for his nomination and accurately predicted his popularity as a justice, he would be batting 1000 in the eyes of the left. But the left perceives the second black man on the bench, who is from the poorest most dysfunctional background, as a big zero. Plugging Thomas' life experience into the Obama equation proves that background does not equal satisfactory performance.

When the Thomas story is contrasted with that of Justice Stevens, a veritable jurisprudential icon of the left, the sheer inanity of Obama's reasoning emerges.
Stevens, who is white, comes from probably the most affluent background of all of the sitting justices--the son of a man who made a fortune in the insurance and hotel business. He led a life of privilege and, according to the left, a life which should immediately disqualify him from a seat on the Supreme Court because a white man of such wealth and prominence could never possess the empathy or understanding to relate to the common man.

And yet, this white man of status, has proven to be one of the most liberal justices on the Court, whose opinions are praised by progressives. While he should be a big zero, he is batting 1000 in the eyes of the left (and is still going strong at 89). Again, plugging Stevens' life experience into the Obama equation proves that background does not equal satisfactory performance.

In reality, sitting on the Supreme Court is a man of little means and comfort, who grew up black and poor, and should, by all meaningful liberal calculations, be a superb Supreme Court justice, yet his opinions are condemned by the left. In stark contrast to this is a man on the bench of considerable means and comfort, who grew up white and wealthy and should stand in complete contradiction to everything the left stands for, yet is the standard-bearer for the liberal jurisprudential mantra of legislating from the bench.

We are left with a nomination process that has no bearing whatsoever on reality (the reality being that each nominee's judicial philosophy and actual record are paramount), but on a perceived reality that a nominee's past personal history is tantamount to his/her decision-making abilities as, it is hoped, will be the case with Sonia Sotomayor--even though it is certainly not the reality among those currently sitting on the bench.

Simply put: there is no guarantee that one's background or station in life, let alone color, gender or ethnicity will dictate one's judicial philosophy and, while interesting, should not factor into the decision for a Supreme Court nominee. The SCOTUS opinions are rife with rulings that benefit Americans of all shapes and sizes and were handed down by...white men.


americanthinker.com