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To: combjelly who wrote (282895)4/4/2006 1:14:22 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1574005
 
Worse Than Iraq?

Nigeria's president and onetime hope for a stable future is leading his country toward implosion—and possible U.S. military intervention

by Jeffrey Tayler

With an ethnically and religiously combustible population of 130 million, Nigeria is lurching toward disaster, and the stakes are high—for both Nigeria and the United States.

+ Nigeria's problems far exceed those of the petro-states. They begin with the ad hoc nature and impossible structure of the country, which even a leading Nigerian nationalist called "a mere geographical expression." The entity of Nigeria was cobbled together to serve London's economic interests. Having established the Royal Niger Company to exploit resources in the Niger River Delta, and expanded inland from there, the British found themselves by the late nineteenth century ruling territories and peoples — some 250 ethnic groups in all—that had never coexisted in a single state. They ran Nigeria as three separate administrative zones, divided along ethnic and religious lines. The Muslim north, arid and poor but with half the country's population, would eventually gain supremacy over the army. Through a succession of military dictatorships, it would dominate (and plunder) the fertile and oil-rich but disunited south, whose largest ethnic groups — the Yoruba in the west and the Igbo in the east — together represent just 39 percent of the population. Democracy, too, has favored the north, which, united by Islam and voting as a bloc, has determined the outcome of virtually all elections. In Nigeria, where one generally votes for one's religious or ethnic brethren, democracy has deepened divisions rather than healed them. Whoever holds the presidency faces an insoluble dilemma: either let the country break up, or use violence to hold it together.

+ Chief among the country's current woes is corruption. During the last twenty-five years, Nigeria earned more than $300 billion in oil revenues — but annual per capita income plummeted from $1,000 to $390. More than two-thirds of the population lives beneath the poverty line, subsisting on less than a dollar a day. The country's realities bear most of the blame. Since Nigeria gained independence, in 1960, its rulers — military and civilian alike—have systematically squandered or stolen some $400 billion in government money. According to a 2004 World Bank report, 80 percent of the country's oil wealth accrues to 1 percent of the population.

+ As the journalist Karl Maier, whose This House Has Fallen stands as the authoritative work on modern Nigeria, has put it, Nigeria is a "criminally mismanaged corporation where the bosses are armed and have barricaded themselves inside the company safe." Nigeria's similarities to Saudi Arabia are manifold: corruption, oil wealth, a burgeoning Muslim population, and value to the United States as an energy supplier.

+ Osama bin Laden has called Nigeria "ripe for liberation.

+ Nigeria's present head, retired general Olusegun Obasanjo has shown scant appetite for tackling the crime, neglect, and inefficiency rampant in the oil sector. "Bunkering"—tapping into pipelines and siphoning oil into makeshift tankers hidden in the swamps of the Niger River Delta — is widespread; it is responsible for the loss of some 200,000 barrels a day and for catastrophic fires that have incinerated locals attempting to scoop up the runoff. Criminal gangs with government connections are said to be behind the practice — who else could hire the needed equipment?

+ During his first term, Obasanjo established a development commission to distribute oil revenues among the country's indigenous peoples, but its efforts have come to naught; most of the windfall oil profits of the last few years have gone toward refurbishing mansions for the elite. Oil spills and gas flares blight the delta, ruining farmland and poisoning fishing grounds. Owing to the abysmal state of its few refineries, Nigeria remains an importer of gasoline. Officials divert gas from the pumps and sell it on the black market. Fuel shortages are endemic.

+ Obasanjo still talks of improving the lot of his people, but his rhetoric hardly sounds over the din of mayhem and rage. Nigeria appears to be de-developing, its hastily erected facade of modernity disintegrating and leaving city dwellers in particular struggling to survive in near-apocalyptic desolation.

+ A drive across Lagos — the country's commercial capital and, with 13 million people, Africa's largest metropolis — reveals unmitigated chaos. The government has left roads to decay indefinitely. Thugs clear away the broken asphalt and then extract payments from drivers, using chunks of rubble to enforce their demands. Residents dig up the pavement to lay cables that tap illegally into state power lines. Armed robbers emerge from the slums to pillage cars stuck in gridlocks (aptly named "hold-ups" in regional slang) so impenetrable that the fourteen-mile trip from the airport to the city center can take four hours. Electricity blackouts of six to twelve hours a day are common. "Area boys" in loosely affiliated gangs dominate most of the city, extorting money from drivers and shop owners. Those who fail to pay up may be beaten or given a knife jab in the shoulder.

+ The U.N. Human Development Index ranks Nigeria as having one of the worst standards of living, below both Haiti and Bangladesh. For all its oil wealth, and after seven years of governance by one of Africa's most highly touted democrats, Nigeria has become the largest failed state on earth.



theatlantic.com





To: combjelly who wrote (282895)4/5/2006 1:00:25 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1574005
 
Its hard to believe that one would take so many risks when you get to the level of Congress. For just a week, I would like to have the mind of a sociopath. I bet it can be fun. <g>

ANALYSIS

Probe said to have pushed DeLay

Zachary Coile, Chronicle Washington Bureau

Wednesday, April 5, 2006


Washington -- A month ago, former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay was buoyant after winning the Republican primary in his Texas district with 62 percent of the vote, saying: "I have always placed my faith in the voters, and today's vote shows they have placed their full faith in me."

But in announcing his resignation Tuesday, DeLay reversed course, acknowledging that he could no longer count on voters' support and that the GOP risked losing his seat in November.

Congressional aides and insiders said the decision was less about midterm election strategy than about DeLay's fears of a fast-moving federal probe targeting his office. His former deputy chief of staff, Tony Rudy, pleaded guilty last week to running a criminal enterprise out of DeLay's office. Rudy and another indicted DeLay aide, Michael Scanlon, are cooperating with investigators.

"This is typical of the way prosecutors move up the food chain," said Norman Ornstein, a congressional expert at the American Enterprise Institute, which researches public policies. "They've gotten the minnows, they are getting some of the bigger fish and now they are going after the whales, and we are talking about Moby Tom here."


DeLay also is awaiting trial in Texas on charges of laundering illegal corporate campaign donations, allegations he claims are politically motivated.

Republicans hope DeLay's resignation, which is expected by mid-June, will move the spotlight away from the controversial 11-term lawmaker -- nicknamed "The Hammer" for his ability to keep his fellow Republicans in line -- and his close ties to lobbyist Jack Abramoff, the once-powerful lobbyist convicted of fraud last month.

But Democrats believe the likelihood of further indictments of Republican staffers and potentially lawmakers will keep the focus on their campaign theme, what they call the "culture of corruption" within the GOP-controlled Congress.

"This isn't just about Tom DeLay, although he's the ringleader," House Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi of San Francisco said Tuesday. "It's about the Republicans in Congress who have enabled and benefited from this corruption."

DeLay, who turns 59 Saturday, insisted in television and radio interviews that his decision to leave Congress had nothing to do with the investigation. He said he has never been interviewed by federal agents, although his office has turned over records requested by prosecutors.

"I know you, the press, has a hard time believing it, but the truth is I am not a target of this investigation," he told National Public Radio. "Abramoff has nothing to do with me. And you know what? When I step out of the House, I don't have to answer those kinds of questions."

But DeLay's critics see other motives. When he steps down this summer, he can shift the nearly $1.3 million in his campaign account, raised from donors to pay for his costly re-election campaign, to his legal defense fund.

DeLay gave up his leadership post last fall after being indicted on charges in the Texas case. In January, he announced he would not seek to regain his position as majority leader. In February, House Republicans passed over DeLay's top deputy, Rep. Roy Blunt, R-Mo., and chose Rep. John Boehner, R-Ohio, as their new leader under House Speaker Dennis Hastert of Illinois.

DeLay's take-no-prisoners style helped the party rack up victories on issues from taxes to abortion to prescription drugs, and between 1999 and 2004 he raised $2.9 million in campaign donations -- the most of any member in Congress. But DeLay was admonished three times by the House ethics committee, and critics complained that his "K Street Project" was a coercive effort to force Washington's lobbying community to back Republican causes. K Street refers the street in downtown Washington where most of the lobbying firms are located.

DeLay, in an interview with Time magazine Monday, took credit for persuading lobbying firms to hire more Republicans and shift their political giving to the GOP.


"The Democrats hate the fact that their culture of K Street has been changed from a totally dominated Democrat K Street to a totally dominated Republican K Street," DeLay said.

But his closeness with Washington's lobbying community has contributed to DeLay's political and legal troubles. He accepted a golfing junket to Scotland in 2000, paid for by Abramoff's clients, and a trip to Moscow in 1997, where he was accompanied by Abramoff, which was reportedly financed by Russian oil and gas lobbyists with links to Abramoff.

Rudy, the former DeLay aide, pleaded guilty last week to accepting lavish gifts and meals from Abramoff while conspiring to corrupt public officials and influence legislation while working in DeLay's office.

The indictment said Rudy "routinely performed official acts for or at the behest of Abramoff," including helping to defeat an anti-gambling bill opposed by one of Abramoff's clients, eLottery Inc. DeLay was one of 44 Republicans who voted against the bill. Court papers in the Rudy case referred to DeLay as "Representative No. 2," but did not implicate him in any crime.

But DeLay's critics say the prosecutors appear to be getting closer to the former majority leader and could pressure Abramoff, Rudy and Scanlon to provide evidence of wrongdoing.

"It's clear that Rep. DeLay saw the writing on the wall and expects to be implicated like his close aides," said Chellie Pingree, president of Common Cause, a watchdog group.

DeLay's resignation could help Republican chances of holding his seat -- one of only 12 in the nation now rated a "toss-up" by nonpartisan congressional analyst Charlie Cook. Recent polls showed he was vulnerable in a three-way race with former Democratic Rep. Nick Lampson and former Republican Rep. Steve Stockman, who is running as an independent. Some GOP leaders had been urging DeLay to quit the race.

"Tom was facing some very difficult pressures in his race," Boehner said. "I think that he understood that it was becoming a referendum on him instead of on the ideas between the two parties, and I think he did a very honorable thing by stepping aside."

By resigning this summer, DeLay could force Texas Republican Gov. Rick Perry to call a special election. Under state law, if no candidate got a majority of the vote, the two top vote-getters would face off in a runoff. In a district that leans Republican, a runoff with only two candidates could favor the GOP.

David Wallace, a friend of DeLay's who is the Republican mayor of Sugar Land, DeLay's home in Texas, is seen by some as a candidate. But political observers say Lampson, who has raised more than $2 million for the race, remains a formidable opponent.

"If we're going to end up with a lower turnout special election, that's one in which a Republican may be able to do a little better," Ornstein said. "But I've got to believe that you're still going to see a backlash. If the special election takes place around the time that indictments are handed down, it's going to be bad news for Republicans."


Edward Epstein of The Chronicle Washington Bureau

sfgate.com