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To: Road Walker who wrote (307433)10/23/2006 5:15:02 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1574270
 
re: F and GM, esp. Ford, are in deep financial trouble......we'll be lucky if they both survive. The years of benign neglect and idiocy have taken their toll.

I think the only way they make it is if we go to universal health care. That would lift a huge burden.


Its more than that.......they need to clean out their corporate culture: the guys who refuse to believe that the supply of oil is finite; that energy conservation is a good thing; that people like innovation and cars that work well.

I think there are some attempts currently underway to clean things up but their hold is tenuous at best.




To: Road Walker who wrote (307433)10/23/2006 7:39:09 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1574270
 
Barron's ain't buying it either.......I guess the GOP knows something we don't know.

Survivor!

The GOP Victory

By Jim McTague
Word Count: 1,004

JUBILANT DEMOCRATS SHOULD RECONSIDER their order for confetti and noisemakers. The Democrats, as widely reported, are expecting GOP-weary voters to flock to the polls in two weeks and hand them control of the House for the first time in 12 years -- and perhaps the Senate, as well. Even some Republicans privately confess that they are anticipating the election-day equivalent of Little Big Horn. Pardon our hubris, but we just don't see it.

Our analysis -- based on a race-by-race examination of campaign-finance data -- suggests that the GOP will hang on to both chambers, at least nominally. We expect the Republican majority in the House to fall by eight seats, to 224 of the chamber's 435. At the very worst, our analysis suggests, the party's loss could be as large as 14 seats, leaving a one-seat majority. But that is still a far cry from the 20-seat loss some are predicting. In the Senate, with 100 seats, we see the GOP winding up with 52, down three.

We studied every single race -- all 435 House seats and 33 in the Senate -- and based our predictions about the outcome in almost every race on which candidate had the largest campaign war chest, a sign of superior grass-roots support. We ignore the polls. Thus, our conclusions about individual races often differ from the conventional wisdom. Pollsters, for instance, have upstate New York Republican Rep. Tom Reynolds trailing Democratic challenger Jack Davis, who owns a manufacturing plant. But Reynolds raised $3.3 million in campaign contributions versus $1.6 million for Davis, so we score him the winner.

Likewise, we disagree with pollsters of both parties who see Indiana Republican Rep. Chris Chocola getting whomped by Democratic challenger Joe Donnelly, a lawyer and business owner from South Bend. Chocola has raised $2.7 million, versus $1.1 million for Donnelly. Ditto in North Carolina, where we see Republican Rep. Charles Taylor beating Democrat Heath Shuler, a former NFL quarterback, because of better financing. Analysts from both parties predict a Shuler upset.


Is our method reliable? It certainly has been in the past. Using it in the 2002 and 2004 congressional races, we bucked conventional wisdom and correctly predicted GOP gains both years. Look at House races back to 1972 and you'll find the candidate with the most money has won about 93% of the time. And that's closer to 98% in more recent years, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Polls can be far less reliable. Remember, they all but declared John Kerry president on Election Day 2004.

Our method isn't quite as accurate in Senate races: The cash advantage has spelled victory about 89% of the time since 1996. The reason appears to be that with more money spent on Senate races, you need a multi-million-dollar advantage to really dominate in advertising, and that's hard to come by.

But even 89% accuracy is high compared with other gauges. Tracking each candidate's funding is "exceptionally valuable because it tells you who has support," says William Morgan, executive director of the renowned Mid-West Political Science Association in Bloomington, Ind. The cognoscenti, he says, give the most money to the candidate they believe has a good chance of winning.


WE FOUND NO SHORTAGE of people to challenge us. They argue that money doesn't make a difference when the electorate is as worked up emotionally, as it is this year. John Aldrich, a professor of political science at Duke University who writes extensively about elections, says that a candidate really doesn't need the most money to win; he merely requires enough cash to get his message across. Aldrich believes Democrats will win this year with less money because they won't have to spend so much to persuade voters to switch horses.

"The support for the president, the Congress and incumbents is relatively low by historical standards," he says. In fact, a new Wall Street Journal/NBC News Poll says voter disgust with Congress is the lowest in the survey's 17-year history.


It's true that our formula isn't foolproof. In 1958, 1974 and 1994, the wave of anti-incumbent sentiment was so strong that money didn't trump voter outrage. We appreciate that voters in 2006 are hopping mad at the GOP because of the war and because of scandal. We just don't agree that the outrage has reached the level of those earlier times. The reason is that the economy in 2006 is healthier. And the economy is the only other factor that figures in our analysis.

In 1958, in sharp contrast to now, the country was in a deep recession. Though the Democrats controlled the House, voters blamed their pain on Republican President Dwight David Eisenhower, and it cost the GOP 48 seats. In 1974, a Watergate year, inflation and an Arab oil embargo pinched household budgets and helped fuel voter anger at Republicans. In 1994, though the economy was improving, unemployment was above 6% and personal income began to fall in the quarter prior to the election, souring the mood of the electorate. People blamed their pain on high taxes, which they associated with Democrats, and ushered in Newt Gingrich & Co.

Take a look at how Jim McTague did with his picks in 2004. (Part 1 | Part 2 )Though the current economy is slowing, unemployment remains relatively low, at 4.6%, and disposable-income growth is positive. While GDP figures will be revised downward in coming weeks and unemployment figures could edge up, it may not matter. Those numbers are "interesting stuff for economists, but voters will continue to focus on pocketbook issues like the price of gas and the value of their 401(k)s," says GOP insider Rick Hohlt. Pump prices have been falling and the Dow Jones Industrial Average has been on a tear, reaching 12,000 last week.

Hohlt and analyst John Morgan say Republicans will have unusually tough election-day challenges from Democrats in more than 50 races -- a high number. They recall no more than 20 highly competitive races in 2004. All but 10 of this year's contested seats are held by incumbents, and Hohlt and Morgan aren't predicting an outcome.

IF WE'RE EVEN HALF right, and the GOP retains control of the Senate but loses the House, then there would be important ramifications for the stock market. Since traders often have disdain for Democrats, there could well be a relief rally, at least in the short term. "It would force investors to rethink some overzealous discounting of stocks," says Chuck Gabriel, chief political analyst for Prudential Equity Group.


Fear of Democrats, he suggests, may be playing a role in the weakness in energy and pharmaceutical stocks, with investors bracing for a populist backlash against profits. "Elections may or may not be a driver, but it would not hurt to remove that headwind," says Gabriel.

Shares of student lender Sallie Mae also may also be feeling the weight of the presumed Democrat victory. The theory is that Democrats would reduce student-loan rates if they control both ends of the Capitol, hurting profit margins for parent SLM (ticker: SLM). It's unlikely Democrats could succeed with the Senate in GOP hands.

Gabriel adds that shares of mortgage giants Fannie Mae (FNM) and Freddie Mac (FRE), which have gained since Mark Foley resigned on Sept. 29 amid a sex scandal, might decline with even a partial GOP victory. Republicans are considered less friendly to the quasi-governmental agencies than pro-housing Democrats.


President Bush certainly would have to rethink his approach to Congress if our scenario plays out either in full or in part. The GOP majority in Congress would be so slim that the president would have to live up fully to a promise he made during his first election campaign to be a "uniter," not a "divider." He'd have a monstrously difficult time getting Congress to make his tax cuts permanent. His desire to reform Social Security with private investment accounts likely would remain unfulfilled.

The scandals and the unpopular war are not all that are propelling Democrats this year. The party has fielded candidates who are more attractive and better financed than in many past campaigns.

There are nine House races where the GOP's funding advantage is minimal, allowing for upsets. However, we don't think the Democratic pockets are deep enough to bring about a rout in these contests. There are nine other races where Democrats have very narrow funding advantages -- but the Republican Party has ready money to pour into such contests. Sara Taylor, director of the White House Office of Political Affairs, says the Republican Party has a $56 million cash advantage over Democrats going into the final weeks of the campaign. That's a lot of TV ads.



MANY ON WALL STREET believe the Democrats will triumph this year, too. "I'm not a big believer in generic polls, but the 23-point lead that Democrats have over the GOP in the recent USA TODAY/Gallup Poll is about as wide as it gets," says Greg Valliere, chief political strategist for the Stanford Washington Research Group, a leading adviser to the Street. The poll Valliere cites showed 59% of respondents favoring Democratic candidates, 36% favoring Republicans and 5% undecided. "I threw in the towel for the Republicans a day or two after the Foley scandal broke," he says.

Even the "investors" who buy contracts on the Iowa Electronics Market are down on the Republicans for the first time in memory. Contracts that will be worth $1 if Hastert & Co. end up retaining control of the House on Nov. 7 are trading for around 30 cents -- hardly a vote of confidence.


You hardly can blame Democrats for feeling giddy as the mid-term contest approaches. The GOP Congress has proved more adept at producing scandal than legislative reforms, and the unrelenting bloodbath in Iraq doesn't instill strong public confidence in our commander-in-chief. Maryland Democratic Rep. Chris Van Hollen contends the GOP's old trump card, terrorism, no longer has an effect on voters because they perceive America's pacification effort in Iraq "is a mess and in chaos because of gross incompetence by the Bush administration."

There's no denying that the Democrats have fielded stronger candidates this time around. The effects of that will be on display throughout Election Day in close races around the country. Here's a rundown on some of the tightest.

In Connecticut's fourth congressional district, Republican Rep. Chris Shays is in a bruising rematch against Diane Goss Farrell, whom he narrowly beat in 2004. He's raised $3.2 million to her $2.5 million. That puts her within reach of an upset, but we reckon Shays' funding advantage will help him keep his seat, even though the district voted against Bush in the past two presidential elections.


In New Hampshire's second district, incumbent Republican Rep. Charlie Bass, who was elected in 1994, has raised a total of $918,789. The challenger, lawyer Paul Hodes, whom Bass beat handily in 2004, has raised about $1.1 million. Although Bass is the incumbent and within striking distance, it looks as though he's going to be knocked off, based on the money.

In Indiana's 9th district, in the southeastern part of that state, Republican incumbent Mike Sodrel looks as if he will survive a spirited challenge by Baron Hill. Sodrel unseated Hill in 2004 after losing to him in 2002. Sodrel has raised $2 million versus $1.2 million for Hill, a comfortable funding advantage.


When Barron's visited the 9th district in July, we wrote that Sodrel would face an uphill fight because Republicans there were angry at Bush for running up the deficit and for mismanaging the Iraq war. Not only is Bush unpopular in the district; so is GOP Gov. Mitch Daniels. The fundraising numbers tell us that the GOP base might have had second thoughts about voting for a Democrat. Still, we expect Democrats to unseat Republicans in two other Indiana congressional districts.

In Pennsylvania, pundits have written off Republican Sen. Rick Santorum, who has raised $17.3 million. His Democratic challenger, Bob Casey, who has raised $15 million, has a large lead in the polls. This is the first serious challenge for Santorum since he was elected in 1994. We see him defying the pollsters on Nov. 7 and hanging on to his seat, with voters from the Western part of the state riding to his rescue.

Take a look at how Jim McTague did with his picks in 2004. (Part 1 | Part 2 )In Rhode Island, we predict Republican Lincoln Chafee will lose to democratic challenger Sheldon Whitehouse, a former U.S. attorney. Whitehouse has raised more than $4 million versus about $3.5 million for Chafee. According to the Center for Responsive politics, nearly 80% of the challenger's money comes from individuals as opposed to political committees. Chafee has raised about 50% from individuals. Clearly Whitehouse has a better organization.

With only two weeks to go, a barrage of contradictory poll findings is apt to confuse the oddsmakers, not to mention voters. But we're sticking with our numbers, and they say one thing: The Democrats don't have quite enough heft to push aside the elephant.

online.barrons.com



To: Road Walker who wrote (307433)10/23/2006 7:45:50 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1574270
 
Barron's call on specific races:


















To: Road Walker who wrote (307433)10/23/2006 7:52:35 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 1574270
 
Here's the same guy's call for the election in 2004.......was pretty close.

MONDAY, OCTOBER 11, 2004

Kings of the Hill

Why the GOP will strengthen its grip on Congress

By JIM MCTAGUE

THE STATE OF THE UNION is cause for anxiety. Our military is stretched thin in Afghanistan and Iraq; the profligate Congress has turned a surplus into a record deficit; and the economy is threatened by trade imbalances, job losses, high oil prices and a health-care affordability crisis.

In light of this doleful litany, you'd expect voters to "Throw the bums out!" The bums in this case are the Republicans, who control not only the White House but both branches of the legislature. But the throwing-out will not materialize, in our view. While it's too soon to predict the presidential race, the GOP looks poised to strengthen its grip on Capitol Hill once all the votes are tallied after Nov. 2 and all the legal challenges are adjudicated.

Barron's predicts that the Republicans will pick up seven additional seats in the House and three more in the Senate, adding to the gains of the 2002 midterm election.

In the House, we foresee the Republicans with 234 members to the Democrats' 201, for a 53.8% majority, up from the current 227-205, or 52.5% majority. In the Senate, we believe the Republicans will end up with 54 members to the Democrats' 46, up from the current 51-49 advantage.


The predictions -- pointing to greater GOP gains than most observers expect -- reflect our view that the Republicans in key races generally have better grass-roots organizations than their rivals. The evidence: greater contributions from local residents as opposed to out-of-state interest groups. The Republicans are also helped by an economy that, while perceived less robust than before 2001, nonetheless is growing.

In sizing up the races, we looked at key polls, campaign-financing disclosures, economic indicators and insights from top political analysts -- a broad approach that served us well in forecasting the outcome of the 2000 and 2002 elections. In 2002, for instance, we were among the first and the few to correctly call a GOP win in the Senate. We predicted a 52-48 GOP advantage, when most other prognosticators saw Democrats winning control. We also correctly called a GOP surge in the House. We predicted a 225-seat majority, which was only two seats short of the actual result.

The GOP gains we forecast this time bode well for the stock market. For one thing, stocks have generally fared better when Republicans have held majorities in both the House and Senate. Such Republican rule historically has been accompanied by average gains of 16.9% a year in the Standard & Poor's 500 index, compared with 8.2% gains when Democrats have held sway, says Anthony Chan, senior economist with J.P. Morgan Fleming Asset Management. That reflects Republicans' historical role as fiscal conservatives, favoring lower taxes and less spending.

Furthermore, even with the predicted Republican gains, Washington will remain sufficiently gridlocked that neither party will be able to spend freely. And that's good news for deficit reduction, a key concern on Wall Street.


Lawrence Lindsey, President Bush's former economic adviser, says the GOP needs at least 55 seats in the Senate to accomplish much. Republican lobbyist and political guru Rick Hohlt argues that Bush, if re-elected, would need 60 Republicans in the Senate to assure passage of his second-term agenda. Hohlt points out that the GOP for all intents and purposes will have three-to-four fewer seats than advertised. That's because Republicans Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of Maine, Lincoln Chaffee of Rhode Island and Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania often oppose their party's most sweeping proposals.

John Kerry, if elected, clearly would be even more stymied. But that might not be so bad for investors: A gridlocked Washington can't do much harm to the economy.

On our score card, a candidate's fund-raising prowess is given considerable weight, especially on the House side, where there is considerable historical evidence linking a big war chest with an Election Day victory. In fact, in most upsets of incumbents, the challenger usually is better financed. On the other hand, an incumbent with a cash advantage is rarely defeated on Election Day.

The correspondence between lucre and electability is not as pronounced in Senate races because both candidates typically are awash with cash. In part, there is more money because people from outside a state are making donations to advance their party's Senate candidate. To compensate for outside interference, we give an additional edge to the candidate who raises the most money from local zip codes. Local donations, we find, measure the strength of a candidate's grass-roots support and campaign organization.

IN 2002, 413 HOUSE SEATS out of 435 were won by candidates with the most money, according to a study by the Center for Responsive Politics. That's 95%. In the Senate, cash triumphed in 26 of the 34 races, or 76%.

To supplement our own work, we drew on insights from a trio of top political observers: Hohlt, legendary GOP election analyst John Morgan and Democratic guru Dave Beattie, a partner in Hamilton, Beattie & Staff, a polling and strategy firm. All three helped us handicap the closest races across the country. This is art, not science, so we also relied on our instincts.

Some of the hottest action is in Senate races. Democrats believe that they have a chance this year to take control of the 100-seat Senate by 51 to 49. There are 19 Senate seats currently occupied by Democrats that are in contention, and we predict that Republicans will win five of them: Louisiana. South Dakota, Florida, South Carolina and Georgia. There are 15 seats up for grabs held by Republicans. We predict that the Democrats will win two of them: Illinois and Oklahoma. Here's a rundown on nine of the most interesting races in the Senate.

CLIFF-HANGERS


Here's a sampling of some of the most hotly contested races around the country, along with Barron's projections of the winners.
Senate

WINNER: Lisa Murkowski
Tony Knowles

ALASKA -- Murkowski, a Republican named to the seat by her father when he became governor, is dogged by nepotism charges. But Democrat Knowles has it worse: He has angered oil and fishing interests.

WINNER: Peter Coors
Ken Salazar

COLORADO -- Republican beer man Coors has the edge, because there are many more GOP voters in the state than Democrats. But Salazar, a popular Democratic state attorney general, can't be dismissed.

WINNER: Mel Martinez
Betty Castor

FLORIDA -- Martinez, a Republican and former U.S. housing secretary, has raised more money in-state than Democrat Castor, a former university president. A strong turnout of Hispanic voters should help him.

Tom Daschle
WINNER: John Thune

SOUTH DAKOTA -- Pundits are split on this race, but we think incumbent Daschle, a high-profile Democrat, will lose. Thune, a former GOP congressman, appears to have stronger grass-roots support.
House

WINNER: Geoff Davis
Nick Clooney

KENTUCKY (District 4) -- Davis, a Republican, is likely to beat local TV personality Clooney, a Democrat and father of Hollywood heart-throb George. Clooney depends too heavily on Hollywood contributions.

WINNER: David Wu
Goli Ameri

OREGON (1) -- Democratic incumbent Wu faces a tough challenge from Republican Ameri, an Iranian immigrant. Ameri has been hammering at Wu's record, but Wu holds the crucial lead in in-state funding.

WINNER: Allyson Schwartz
Melissa Brown

PENNSYLVANIA (13) -- Schwartz, a Democratic state senator, should trounce Republican Brown, even though Brown nearly won the seat in 2002. Schwartz benefits from a superior organization.

WINNER: Randy Neugebauer
Charlie Stenholm

TEXAS (19) -- In this post-reredistricting battle of incumbents, Republican Neugebauer is likely to knock off Democrat Stenholm, whose old district was folded into the new 19th. Texas has other similarly tight races.Alaska: When he became governor of Alaska in 2002, Frank Murkowski appointed his daughter Lisa, a fellow Republican, to fill out the rest of his term in the U.S. Senate. The nepotism hasn't sat well with a lot of Alaskans. Beattie says Alaskans also are upset with the governor because he reduced the citizens' annual share of state oil revenues (every Alaskan gets an annual check just for living there). The found money is fond money. "They are taking their anger out on Lisa," he says.

Even so, former Democrat Gov. Tony Knowles, who is challenging Lisa Murkowski for the Senate seat, has a statistically insignificant lead in the polls. Morgan and Hohlt say it's because Alaska's senior senator, Ted Stevens, a popular Republican, is calling in a lot of chits on behalf of Lisa Murkowski. We predict that Knowles will narrowly lose to Murkowski because he has angered Alaska's oil men by backing Kerry's opposition to drilling in wilderness areas. Knowles also has managed to aggravate the state's fishermen for his handling of the settlement with Exxon Mobil for the Exxon Valdez oil spill of 1989.

Colorado: A Senate seat is up for grabs here because Republican Ben Nighthorse Campbell is retiring. Democrat Ken Salazar, a popular state attorney general who campaigns in a white cowboy hat, is battling beer brewer Pete Coors, who says the Senate needs a businessman, not another lawyer. Salazar is a smoother politician and is more popular among the state's farmers and ranchers than is Coors. Beattie thinks the voters are leaning toward Salazar in this very close race. Hohlt and Morgan say Coors has the advantage of a popular Republican governor in Colorado. The GOP also has about 180,000 more registered voters and more contributions county-by-county. For us, that seals the case for the beer king.

Illinois: Democrat Barack Obama, who has a $10 million campaign war chest, doesn't need it to beat carpetbagger Alan Keyes, a desperation candidate from Maryland thrown up by the GOP after a sex scandal scuttled the campaign of rising star Jack Ryan. Keyes ran for president in the 2000 GOP primary. This race is hot because it marks the birth of a potential Democratic star, "The Obamanator!"

Oklahoma: Former Republican U.S. Rep. Tom Coburn seemed likely to snap up the seat that opened after the retirement of Republican Sen. Don Nickles, a perennial favorite of the voters. But Coburn, a doctor, is getting smeared with accusations that he once committed Medicaid fraud. Attacks on his House voting record also are hurting. Hohlt and Morgan believe Coburn is too polarizing. Beattie points out that he called state legislators "crap heads." Coburn also remarked, while discussing Medicare reform, that many oldsters go the doctor because they are lonely. His bedside manner will hurt him.

Democratic Rep. Brad Carson, his opponent, is an attractive young candidate who has amassed close to $3 million, versus $823,000 for Coburn. And over half of Carson's money is from Oklahoma contributors. We see Oklahomans, who are largely conservative Republicans, splitting their tickets, voting for Bush for president and Carson for the Senate.

Florida: Republican Mel Martinez, the former U.S. housing secretary, is battling Democrat Betty Castor, a former university president, for the seat that was held by Bob Graham, an unsuccessful presidential candidate. Both candidates have equivalent war chests of over $4 million, but more of the Martinez hoard is from in-state, which gives him the edge when our formula is applied. Morgan and Hohlt predict a strong turnout of Cubans and other Hispanics for Martinez.

Georgia: Democratic turncoat Zell Miller's seat is open as the firebrand retires. Republican Rep. Johnny Isakson has a $4.4 million war chest and his challenger, Democratic Rep. Denise Majette, has about $900,000. Money talks: Veteran Isakson walks over freshman Majette, in our estimation.

Louisiana: Retiring Democrat John Breaux's seat will be won by Republican John Vitter, who has attracted more in-state donations than Democrat Chris John. This race may not be decided until a December runoff if Vitter gets less than 50% of the vote. Though both have over $3 million war chests, Vitter has raised over $1 million more than John from locals.

South Carolina: Republican Rep. Jim DeMint should have no problem besting Democrat Inez Tenenbaum, a former state education superintendent, for the seat vacated by Democrat Ernest Hollings. But Beattie says the race is closer than generally believed because Tenenbaum has exploited DeMint's support for a national sales tax by claiming it would raise the cost of food for families. But polls show that the state, a mecca for retirees and new business, is trending heavily Republican. It will go for DeMint, who has the cash advantage.

South Dakota: Democratic Sen. Tom Daschle is a better campaigner than former Republican Rep. John Thune, his challenger. But our three experts are split: Morgan believes Thune will win, Hohlt isn't so sure and Beattie says Daschle has the incumbent's advantage. Daschle did outshine Thune in a debate on NBC's Meet the Press. Even so, Daschle, in our opinion, will lose. Though Daschle has over $13 million in his war chest compared with Thune's $6 million, Thune has raised over $1 million more than Daschle in-state.

In the House races, Republicans have even stronger advantages. In part this is because more and more voters in states that traditionally end up in the Democratic column are going for Bush. Social issues like gay marriage are a primary cause of the vote switching, says Morgan. Catholics in states like Pennsylvania and New Jersey especially are troubled by Kerry's support for civil unions for gays as well as his toleration of abortion. Here are the House districts to watch:

Arkansas 2: Democratic incumbent Rep. Vic Snyder, one of the most liberal members of Congress, will go down in a race rife with outrageous charges. Republican Marvin Parks, a state representative, is trying to paint Snyder as anti-God and anti-business. Snyder, for his part, accuses Parks of corruption for not taking the shortest, albeit not the fastest, route to work, resulting in large mileage reimbursements from the state. Parks will win, in our view, simply because he has raised more in-state money. But few races are more cartoonish than this one.

Kentucky 4: Businessman Geoff Davis, the Republican candidate, is originally from Pittsburgh, and he's running in a district that is strongly Democratic. Nevertheless, he will defeat native son Nick Clooney, a popular local TV personality and father of Hollywood heart-throb George Clooney. Davis has raised far more money from in-state. Clooney is overly dependent on handouts from Hollywood, which suggests that he's the real carpetbagger in this contest.

Missouri 3: This is the seat that has been occupied by Rep. Richard Gephardt, an old-time liberal who is retiring. Democrat Russ Carnahan, son of the late Missouri Gov. Mel Carnahan, will defeat perennial GOP candidate Bill Federer, who has run so often that he risks becoming a Pat Paulsen parody.

Missouri 5: Emanuel Cleaver, a Democrat who has been a popular mayor of Kansas City, will win the seat formerly occupied by Democrat Rep. Karen McCarthy. Republican millionaire challenger Jeanne Patterson wouldn't be a contender were it not for her private piggy bank. She can't compete with Cleaver's charisma.

Pennsylvania 13: Democrat Allyson Schwartz, a state senator, will trounce Republican Melissa Brown, who nearly won the seat from Democratic Rep. Joe Hoeffel in 2002. Hoeffel is waging a likely unsuccessful Senate race against Republican incumbent Arlen Specter, who often votes with Democrats. Schwartz has more money and a superior organization.

Oregon 1: Incumbent David Wu, a Democrat, should beat back a very tough challenge from Republican Goli Ameri. Wu has raised more cash in-state. Morgan and Hohlt differ with us on this one. They see an upset by Ameri, an Iranian immigrant who has effectively attacked Wu's voting record.

South Dakota 1: Democratic incumbent Stephanie Herseth, who won a special election to her seat last summer, should hang on to defeat a tough challenge from Larry Diedrich. We don't think that South Dakota voters are so fickle that they would toss out Herseth after just a few months. She has the cash advantage, too.

Texas (various districts): This state has some of the tightest races because of a hard-fought redistricting that favors the GOP. Democrat Max Sandlin looks as though he will retain his seat despite boundary changes in his First District that added GOP voters. He faces a strong challenge by Republican Louis Gohmert Jr. Likewise, incumbent Democrat Nick Lampson, running in a redistricted Second District, will beat Republican challenger Ted Poe.

But Democratic incumbent Chet Edwards in District 17 will be bumped off by Republican challenger A. Arlene Wohlgemuth, in our opinion. And in Texas 19, Republican Rep. Randy Neugebauer looks like he will knock off incumbent Democrat Charlie Stenholm, whose old district was folded into this new one. We expect incumbent Democratic Rep. Martin Frost to survive a hard contest against Republican incumbent Pete Sessions in a new 32 district, which encompasses Dallas. Frost has a dollar advantage.

While we aren't ready to predict the presidential race, it's safe to say that George Bush and John Kerry would each face difficulty with the next Congress. Greg Valliere, chief strategist for Schwab Washington Research, agrees with Hohlt that you need 60 votes in the Senate to get anything done. "There will be gridlock if Kerry is elected president, and Bush won't be able to get anything done. There will be no Social Security reform, no energy bill and no tort reform."

With budget money tight, most of the action will be on taxes rather than spending, says L. Douglas Lee of Economics From Washington, a consulting firm. The additional GOP Senate seats could help Bush make his tax cuts permanent. As for Kerry, his plan to raise taxes on the rich would be a non-starter. His costly prescription drug and health-care proposals also would be doomed from Day One.

With the next president limited largely to speechifying, however, investors troubled by the thought of runaway government spending should profit no matter who is elected.

online.barrons.com