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Politics : American Presidential Politics and foreign affairs -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?

To: E. T. who wrote (15689)	12/20/2006 10:37:23 AM
From: Peter Dierks	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 71588

The whole world believed that Iraq had WMDs. They were correct that he had them, but overestimated the quantities. Everyone agrees that he maintained the capability to rapidly restart WMD production. To state the opposite is blatantly false. The CIA seems to have become a vassal of the state department and seems to believe that the CIA can forge foreign policy through embarrassing leaks. To put great credibility in selective embarrassment seems unwise to me. One need look no further than the flagrantly false reporting about Valarie Plame's status as a domestic desk jockey to know that the CIA is not going to support this President. "One doesn't have to be a dreamy-eyed optimist about democracy to recognize that toppling Saddam Hussein was a milestone in slowing the spread of WMD." The White House wanted to go to war with Iraq You keep claiming it, yet I have seen no credible evidence of the assertion. Even if true, removing a despotic dictator that was tied to Al Qaeda and who was paying Arab Israelis to blow themselves up in the Jewish sector was a good long term goal.

To: E. T. who wrote (15689)	12/27/2006 10:33:25 AM
From: Peter Dierks	Read Replies (1) \| Respond to of 71588

Give Sadr the Treatment How to beat Iraq's Shiite extremists. BY OMAR FADHIL Tuesday, December 26, 2006 12:01 a.m. EST BAGHDAD--Understanding the question is half of the answer: That's what we used to say back in school. Then when we became dentists and doctors, we changed that to "diagnosis is half the treatment," and it looks that's where we're standing right now. Everyone now seems to agree that any plan to fix the situation in Iraq has to have a military component along with a political one. The latter, as I understood, is supposed to bring together or facilitate a set of compromises and mutual concessions among the political powers in Iraq in order to achieve an acceptable level of stability and allow for sustained progress. But why has it been that difficult to advance this political path despite all the time and effort spent in this direction? There's a problem we should address and do something about if we want a political solution to see the light, and that is that some of the key political players in Iraq who are interested in finding a solution cannot move in that direction because they have their hands tied by former deals or affiliations with current or former extremist allies of the same sect as theirs, and those extremists have taken the entire political process in Iraq hostage. What I'm trying to say here is that the military component we need at this particular stage should be different from the routine military operations that U.S. and Iraqi military had been conducting so far. The new military component should be designed to create a friendly climate where politicians can strike deals and reach compromise without coercion from radical extremists. And so if more boots are to be added on the ground then the mission will have to include freeing politicians and parties such as Nouri al-Maliki and Tariq al-Hashimi (of the Dawa and the Islamic party respectively) from the ropes that bind them to Muqtada al-Sadr and harmful elements in the Sunni political scene. Right now is a good time, perhaps the best time we have, to launch this effort since there's already a large front forming from the parties that are willing to talk against the extremists' camp. If the way forward requires maintaining the basic course of the political process and empowering (and cleaning) the current government and its head then the only way to do this is to relieve Mr. Maliki, his party and the rest of the Shia alliance from the dominance and influence of Sadr, and there are two ways to accomplish this: either persuade Mr. Maliki and his team and promise them great support and protection from Sadr's reach, or deal a lethal blow to Sadr and his militia in order to render him unable to inflict harm on Mr. Maliki and other members of the United Iraqi Alliance. Now really, it shouldn't be that difficult to figure out that the first way isn't working out right, what's needed now is to take the decision to try the second way and deal with the biggest threat to stability in Iraq in the way we should. If claims that the militia is fragmented and not entirely under Sadr's control are true (and it's actually hard to believe that one man can control a militia of dozens of thousands spread over 11 provinces) then this must be an advantage for us, because if that's the case there would be little reason to believe those renegade units would fight for Sadr. Many have reached financial independence from the center leadership, and let's not forget that money and fear are the main weapons militia leaders use to expand their power and maintain control over the militia members and the population. The members were recruited by either fear or persuasion, and these bonds that still keep some units highly loyal will fall apart once the head is taken. Ideological fighters constitute a minority in my opinion and those, along with presumed Iranian and Hezbollah fighters who are assisting Sadr will represent the bulk of the remaining actual force that U.S. and Iraqi troops would have to fight and eliminate. Those are highly organized, but they are not invincible. Together we succeeded in reducing the threat posed by al Qaeda when it was identified as the biggest threat to Iraq's stability and security. Now together we can do the same with Sadr and other thugs. We understand the question, and we have a diagnosis that seems sound; it's time to proceed with the treatment. Mr. Fadhil, along with his brother Mohammed, runs Iraq the Model, a blog based in Baghdad. opinionjournal.com