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To: geode00 who wrote (125175)1/25/2008 7:09:44 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 362827
 
Transcending race and identity
______________________________________________________________

By Ellen Goodman
Columnist
The Boston Globe
January 25, 2008

I have been thinking about Ann Dunham's other child, the girl child, the one she had with her second husband.

Maya Soetoro-Ng is now a 36-year-old teacher who describes herself as "half white, half Asian . . . a hybrid." She is a Buddhist, married to a Chinese-Canadian, the mother of a 2-year-old, and a woman who is so routinely identified as a Latina that she learned Spanish.

This daughter lives in Hawaii, a state where nearly one-quarter of the citizens check off two racial boxes or more on the Census Bureau questionnaire. She says that people marvel at her family, whose "complexity mirrors to a great extent the complexity of many families in this country and world today."

I've been thinking of Maya because her brother, Barack Obama, is running for president. And he is running to be the first African-American president.

So when asked whether she, the "hybrid," thought of her brother as "black," Maya said, "Yes, because that is how he has named himself. Each of us has a right to name ourselves as we will."

This business of naming ourselves, this question of culture and multiculture, racial and multiracial identity, keeps coming up in the presidential race. On the way to Iowa, Obama was routinely described as the candidate who transcended race. His understanding of the world was located broadly in his life.

Before the first vote, he said, "I think that if you can tell people, 'We have a president in the White House who still has a grandmother living in a hut on the shores of Lake Victoria and has a sister who's half-Indonesian, married to a Chinese-Canadian,' then they're going to think he may have a better sense of what's going on in our lives and in our country. And they'd be right."

If this was an appealing story to many, there were also African-Americans who wondered if Obama was "black enough." But somewhere between Iowa and South Carolina, race wasn't transcended. It was plumbed and polled and analyzed. The headlines and speeches hummed with racial undertones.

This wasn't surprising politics in South Carolina, a state where 29 percent of the population and half the Democratic voters are black. It is also a state where less than 1 percent of the population identifies itself as multiracial in the census questionnaire. This vast biological understatement may be an indication of the pressure to pick a "name" in a world where remnants of the old, pernicious "one-drop rule" still linger.

In South Carolina, Obama, who carries the DNA of slaveholders and Kenyans and even - heaven help him - Dick Cheney, became "black enough." It's not that he slipped from one brotherhood to another. Obama is no phony. The identity quest, which he described with such thoughtful and intimate honesty in "Dreams From My Father," is real.

Yet his personal and now political journey describes something else in our own increasingly multicultural world. For families as diverse as that of Maya and Barack, there remains the push to "name" yourself along with the reluctance to divide yourself.

How often are children of multiracial families asked, "What are you?" Stanford's Shelby Steele, himself the son of a white mother and black father, writes that what people really want to know "is what it is like to have no race to go home to at night. We commonly think of race as a kind of home, a place where they have to take you in; and it seems the very stuff of alienation to live without solid footing in such a home."

But for a growing number of Americans, especially children, home is not one race or ethnicity, if it ever was. Home is where - and who - your family is.

The children of what we label "mixed marriages" - ethnic, religious or racial - are often assumed to be torn by divided loyalties and identities. Yet the children that I have known may also - more so - be natural mediators, translators, connective tissue between multiple worlds.

Obama once described the tension African-American politicians feel between "speaking in universal terms and speaking in race-specific terms." In this campaign we see that tension between his "name" and his "home." And as this plays out on the national stage, we are also witnessing the challenge for an increasing number of multicultural families who try to build identities that are not contained by someone's view of "what we are."

Maya Soetoro-Ng described her mother as someone who "thought of life as sort of this beautiful tapestry, full of possibilities." Whatever this campaign brings, her children are living a reality out loud that is far more like that tapestry than it is like the neat little boxes on the Census Bureau forms.



To: geode00 who wrote (125175)1/25/2008 7:15:12 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 362827
 
Who's the "Clintonian" Candidate?

thedemocraticstrategist.org



To: geode00 who wrote (125175)1/25/2008 7:29:37 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 362827
 
Dumb and Dumber in Iraq

ajliebling.blogspot.com



To: geode00 who wrote (125175)1/25/2008 8:13:04 PM
From: Mannie  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 362827
 
I think the Clintons have managed to marginalize Obama into a black candidate. Whether that is permanent or not, who knows but they have been pretty darn nasty as of late.

They have really shown their true nature.....I won't vote for them for any reason.



To: geode00 who wrote (125175)1/29/2008 4:47:39 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 362827
 
The Clintons, Atwater, Rove, and the Future

tpmcafe.com

By Reed Hundt*

Jan 27, 2008 -- 09:27 AM EST |

It is certain that the Clintons' thousands of friends are cringing, turning away their attention out of sheer shame, grimacing, as they read the former President's derogatory dismissal of Obama's landslide victory as no different than Jesse Jackson's win there. But it's important to scrutinize what the Clintons are doing and how it might work out.

Most notable about the South Carolina results was that Hillary did not get a majority (based on exits) of any racial or gender-based demographic. She is famous; obviously she has a great deal of money and support from the old guard of the party, such as it is; and she is very well-prepared on policy. But she is not tremendously popular. She was wrong on Iraq; she has little personal record of fighting for a cause; she offers a management-style Presidency as opposed to visionary change.

Most of Hillary's votes appear to come from women, seniors, and lower income voters. These demographic groups could turn to Obama. She has not aroused passionate commitment by them.

Hillary has a tenuous status as the alleged front-runner. This is of course the reason she and her husband are taking the low road in terms of tactics. (Not for a second should anyone think she has not approved her husband's tactics, or that he has run amok.)

The former President's repeated injections of racial references are unacceptable in modern politics, or even modern society. If he were a commentator on the Golf Channel, he would be asked to resign. We know he is doing this because he believes that there is a racist strain in the groups that Hillary is counting on. In particular he believes he can encourage Latinos in California, New York, and New Jersey to come out to vote against Barack, simply because Barack is African-American. He does not believe he can persuade them to want to vote for Hillary, but hopes they will either not vote, or will vote for anyone but Barack.

Yet the Clintons cannot make the case against Barack based on any policy. This frustrates them. There is not one aspect of Barack's policy arguments that can arouse much desire among any Democrats to vote against him. He was right on Iraq; he is progressive on virtually everything, despite Paul Krugman's irritation that not every economic policy prescription fits Dr. Krugman's preferences.

In effect, the Clintons want people to dislike Obama the same way that some dislike the Clintons: irrationally, with groundless preconceptions, passionately. They both feel stigmatized for no good reason. To them it probably seems fair, or at least simply part of the process, if Barack is also unfairly hated.

Pehaps too the Clintons feel that the Republicans would attack Barack on racial grounds, so it makes no difference if they beat McCain or Romney to this tactic. In any case, the Clintons are going negative because they do not believe they can with a positive message attract more voters to Hillary. They want to drive voters away from Barack; they want his negatives to be as high as theirs.

The Clintons are thus running their own version of the Republican Southern Strategy that worked so well to elect conservatives from Nixon through to the current Bush. Ironically, the Clintons themselves spent their political careers battling against that strategy. Defeating it in the border states in 1992 was central to Bill Clinton's election.

There's no crying in baseball or politics, so let's not shed a tear over the completely unprincipled use of race-baiting language by the former President. He knows his Presidency was marred terribly by the impeachment, and that his record of accomplishment was much less than he hoped it would be. He wants this return to the White House to give him, and Hillary, a chance to rewrite the history book entry on the Clintons. He does not believe his repugnant tactic will be part of that history; he is sure that if and when they get back in power they will accomplish so much that the way they got elected again won't matter.

Indeed, they suppose that in the general election all will be forgotten. Barack will be campaigning with them. Everyone will have a good laugh about the tricks they all pulled to win the primaries. If such amity does not come to exist, still the Clintons believe they can count on blacks to vote for them in the fall no matter what. After all, Bill Clinton has the chutzpah to think of himself as the "black President" so taking that demographic's votes for granted is no stretch of the imagination for him.

But the Clintons' use of the tactics of Lee Atwater and Karl Rove inevitably contributes to the perception that Hillary Clinton is running a campaign that is trapped in the past, where race has always mattered much in elections. That was true in the 80's and 90's. But in the 00's it may not be so. Harold Ford barely lost the Tennessee general election; affirmative action is not one of the big issues of this election cycle; nor is welfare; while race has been the history of America it may not be the future. In any event, even if Obama defeats the Clintons, it is possible that the Clintons' use of the race tactic now will inoculate Obama in the fall. It is possible that the public will see him, may indeed already see him, they way people see Oprah or Denzel Washington or Tiger Woods -- public figures whose race and personal history is certainly well-known, but is not a reason for disapproval, hostility, or even disagreement. (Exit polls in South Carolina reported that about 70% of white voters said they would be satisfied if Obama were the nominee.) If by surviving the Clintons' tactics Obama became that sort of public figure, then he would give Democrats at the top of the ticket a candidate who could produce a landslide not only in the South Carolina primary but also across the country in the general.

This is not a reason to applaud the Clintons' tactic. The Clintons' admirers, of whom I have long been one, still should be consumed with regret that the election has brought Bill and Hillary to make this choice. Howard Dean and others who have been silent should still speak out against what they are doing. The New York Times editorial page should have inveighed against this tactic instead of endorsing Hillary. The Los Angeles Times should speak up. But if Obama overcomes what the Clintons are doing, he may have turned a page in American history and he will certainly be the dream candidate for Democrats this fall.
______________________________

*Reed Hundt graduated from Yale College and Yale Law School, practiced law for 18 years, and served as chairman of the Federal Communications Commission, 1993-97. Since that date, he has written and lectured about information sector politics, as well as served on various technology company boards.