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To: Brumar89 who wrote (436830)11/26/2008 11:01:19 AM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 1575337
 
Here, kumquat, you can argue with wikipedia. I don't have any more time to educate you.

Background

Subprime lending evolved with the realisation of a demand in the marketplace for loans to less-than-ideal customers, those with imperfect credit.[3] Many companies entered the market when the prime interest rate was low, and real interest became negative allowing modest subprime rates to flourish; negative interest rates are hand-outs, the more you borrow the more you earn, something Alan Greenspan in 2000, 2001, and 2002 did not realize.[citation needed] Others entered with the relaxation of usury laws.[3] Traditional lenders were more cautious and historically turned away potential borrowers with impaired or limited credit histories.[3] Statistically, approximately 25% of the population of the United States falls into this category.[citation needed] In 1998, the Federal Trade Commission estimated that 10% of new-car financing in the U.S. was provided by subprime loans, and that $125 billion of $859 billion total mortgage dollars were subprime.[3]

In the third quarter of 2007, subprime ARMs only represented 6.8% of the mortgages outstanding in the US, yet they represented 43.0% of the foreclosures started. Subprime fixed mortgages represented 6.3% of outstanding loans and 12.0% of the foreclosures started in the same period.[4]

[edit] Subprime lenders
To access this increasing market, lenders often take on risks associated with lending to people with poor credit ratings or limited credit histories. For example, they would lend money to consumers that have bad credit. Subprime loans are considered to carry a far greater risk for the lender due to the aforementioned credit risk characteristics of the typical subprime borrower. Lenders use a variety of methods to offset these risks. In the case of many subprime loans, this risk is offset with a higher interest rate or various credit enhancements, such as private mortgage insurance (PMI). In the case of subprime credit cards, a subprime customer may be charged higher late fees, higher over-the-limit fees, yearly fees, or up-front fees for the card. Late fees are charged to the account, which may drive the customer over their credit limit, resulting in over-the-limit fees. These higher fees compensate the lender for the increased costs associated with servicing and collecting such accounts, as well as for the higher default rate.

[edit] Borrower profiles
Subprime loans can offer an opportunity for borrowers with a less-than-ideal credit record to become a home owner. Borrowers may use this credit to purchase homes, or in the case of a cash-out refinance, finance other forms of spending such as purchasing a car, paying for living expenses, remodeling a home, or even paying down on a high interest credit card. However, due to the risk profile of the subprime borrower, this access to credit comes at the price of higher interest rates, increased fees and other increased costs. Subprime lending (and mortgages in particular) provide a method of "credit repair"; if borrowers maintain a good payment record, they should be able to refinance back onto mainstream rates after a period of time. In the United Kingdom, most subprime mortgages have a two or three-year tie-in, and borrowers may face additional charges for replacing their mortgages before the tie-in has expired.

Generally, the credit profile keeping a borrower out of a prime loan may include one or more of the following:

Two or more loan payments paid past 30 days due in the last 12 months, or one or more loan payments paid past 90 days due the last 36 months;
Judgment, foreclosure, repossession, or non-payment of a loan in the past;
Bankruptcy in the last 7 years;
Relatively high default probability as evidenced by, for example, a credit score of less than 620 (depending on the product/collateral), or other bureau or proprietary scores with an equivalent default probability likelihood.
Accuracy of the credit line data obtained by the underwriter.

[edit] Private label credit
In the USA, this group of credit companies includes major banks such as Wells Fargo, CitiBank, GE Credit, Household Finance, and more. While it is not certain what percentage of subprime lending involves the private label branding of the retail chains (i.e The Gap, Victoria's Secret, Old Navy, and most furniture and appliance retailers), most national retail chains use some form of subprime lending as a marketing strategy. Deferred interest programming may result in high default rates that must be offset by aggressive lending practices. It is common for a $200,000,000 furniture retailer to have 50% of their long-term business be derived from the direct result of private label credit promotions.[citation needed]

[edit] Origination, securitization and servicing
Some subprime originators (mortgage companies or brokers) formerly promoted residential loans with features that could trap low income borrowers into loans with increasing yield terms that eventually exceed borrower’s capability to make the payments. Most of these loans were originated for the purpose of selling them into securitization conduits, which are special purpose entities (REMICs) that issue Residential Mortgage Backed Securities (RMBS), bonds, securities and other investment vehicles for resale to pension funds and other fixed income investors. The same process takes place for some commercial mortgages (CMBS).

Some of these mortgage originators are owned or controlled by major financial institutions which provide a "Warehouse" line for their lending. For example, First Franklin was owned by Merrill Lynch and WMC was owned by GE. These financial institutions then remain in control of these loans as "Trustee", "Servicers" and "Controlling Class" of the REMIC trusts in hopes of deriving significant fees and other income from management of Taxes, Insurance and Repair Reserve Funds required by the terms of these mortgages.

In most cases, should these loans default, the servicing is passed to "Special Servicers" who derive "Workout", "Foreclosures" and Real estate owned (REO) management fees. The Special Servicers are directed by "Directing Class" or "Controlling Class" which comprise of majority holders of the lowest class of REMIC Trust securities also referred to as "First Loss" or "B-Piece" holders.

The shortfall of loan repayment is usually repaid as a result of "Repurchase Demand" by Special Servicer on GSE or loan seller to REMIC Trust also called "Loan Depositor." The purchased collateral at auctions by Special Servicers are referred to as REO properties which then can be marketed and sold for market value. Special Servicers usually keep the "Upside" or difference between auction price and market sale of the collateral. These foreclosure fees and REO income form a major incentive for Servicers to purchase the "Servicing Rights" of the REMIC trusts from Trustees who, depending on the terms of the Pooling and Servicing Agreement (PSA), have the authority to replace Servicers. It is not uncommon for a predatory Servicer to pay millions of dollars to procure the "Servicing Rights" of the REMIC trusts in hopes of successful foreclosures and equity stripping from Borrowers, Guarantors, Loan Sellers and Investors.

REMIC Trusts are "Passive" or "Pass-Through" Entities under the IRS code and are not taxed at trust level. However, the bond-holders are expected to be taxpaying entities and are taxed on interest income distributed by the REMIC trusts. REMIC trusts are forbidden from any other business activities and are taxed 100% on any other income they may generate which is referred to as "Prohibited Income" under IRC 860 Code.

[edit] Types

[edit] Subprime mortgages
Like other subprime loans, subprime mortgages are defined by the financial and credit profile of the consumers to which they are marketed. According to the U.S. Department of Treasury guidelines issued in 2001, "Subprime borrowers typically have weakened credit histories that include payment delinquencies, and possibly more severe problems such as charge-offs, judgments, and bankruptcies. They may also display reduced repayment capacity as measured by credit scores, debt-to-income ratios, or other criteria that may encompass borrowers with incomplete credit histories."

Contrary to other nations, the US Tax Code allows 100% tax deductibility of all interest payments and part of principal payments on loans for housing. This means a tax break of 30% to 50%, not only of the real interest but also of the inflation part of nominal interest rates. This tax break is what fuelled second and third morgages, used to buy cars and other consumer goods. Interest rates on car purchases are not deductible, but second mortgages are. This tax give away is what makes America become the most personally indebted nation in the world. Countries like Brasil that do not use nominal interest rates in housing loans, and do not give such tax breaks do not have a prime nor a sub-prime housing problem.

Subprime mortgage loans are riskier loans in that they are made to borrowers unable to qualify under traditional, more stringent criteria due to a limited or blemished credit history. Subprime borrowers are generally defined as individuals with limited income or having FICO credit scores below 620 on a scale that ranges from 300 to 850.[5] Subprime mortgage loans have a much higher rate of default than prime mortgage loans and are priced based on the risk assumed by the lender.

Although most home loans do not fall into this category, subprime mortgages proliferated in the early part of the 21st Century. About 21 percent of all mort­gage originations from 2004 through 2006 were subprime, up from 9 percent from 1996 through 2004, says John Lonski, chief economist for Moody's In­vestors Service. Subprime mortgages totaled $600 billion in 2006, accounting for about one-fifth of the U.S. home loan market[1].

As with other types of mortgage, various special loan features are available with subprime mortgages, including:

interest-only payments, which allow borrowers to pay only interest for a period of time (typically 5–10 years);
"pay option" loans, usually with adjustable rates, for which borrowers choose their monthly payment (full payment, interest only, or a minimum payment which may be lower than the payment required to reduce the balance of the loan);
and so-called "hybrid" mortgages with initial fixed rates that sooner or later convert to adjustable rates.
This last class of mortgages has grown particularly popular among subprime lenders since the 1990s. Common subprime hybrids include the "2-28 loan", which offers a low initial interest rate that stays fixed for two years after which the loan resets to a higher adjustable rate for the remaining life of the loan, in this case 28 years. The new interest rate is typically set at some margin over an index, for example, 5% over a 12-month LIBOR. Variations on the "2-28" include the "3-27" and the "5-25".

[edit] Subprime credit cards
Credit card companies in the United States began offering subprime credit cards to borrowers with low credit scores and a history of defaults or bankruptcy in the 1990s when usury laws were relaxed. These cards usually begin with low credit limits and usually carry extremely high fees and interest rates as high as 30% or more.[6] In 2002, as economic growth in the United States slowed, the default rates for subprime credit card holders increased dramatically, and many subprime credit card issuers were forced to scale back or cease operations.

In 2007, many new subprime credit cards began to sprout forth in the market. As more vendors emerged, the market became more competitive, forcing issuers to make the cards more attractive to consumers. Interest rates on subprime cards now start at 9.9% but in some cases still range up to 24% APR.

In some situations, subprime credit cards may help a consumer improve poor credit scores. Most subprime cards report to major credit reporting agencies such as TransUnion and Equifax, but in the case of "secured" cards, credit scoring often reflects the nature of the card being reported and may or may not consider it. Issuers of these cards claim that consumers who pay their bills on time should see positive reporting to these agencies within 90 days.

[edit] Proponents
Individuals who have experienced severe financial problems are usually labeled as higher risk and therefore have greater difficulty obtaining credit, especially for large purchases such as automobiles or real estate. These individuals may have had job loss, previous debt or marital problems, or unexpected medical issues, usually unforeseen and causing major financial setbacks. As a result, late payments, charge-offs, repossessions and even bankruptcy or foreclosures may result.

Due to these previous credit problems, these individuals may also be precluded from obtaining any type of conventional loan. To meet this demand, lenders have seen that a tiered pricing arrangement, one which allows these individuals to receive loans but pay a higher interest rate and higher fees, may allow loans which otherwise would not occur. In 1999, under pressure from the Clinton administration, Fannie Mae, the nation's largest home mortgage underwriter, relaxed credit requirements on the loans it would purchase from other banks and lenders, hoping that easing these restrictions would result in increased loan availability for minority and low-income buyers. Putting pressure on the GSE's (Government Sponsored Enterprise) Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the Clinton administration looked to increase their sub-prime portfolios, including the Department of Housing and Urban Development expressing its interest in the GSE's maintaining a 50% portion of their portfolios in loans to low and moderate-income borrowers.[7]

From a servicing standpoint, these loans have a statistically higher rate of default and are more likely to experience repossessions and charge offs. Lenders use the higher interest rate and fees to offset these anticipated higher costs.

Provided that a consumer enters into this arrangement with the understanding that they are higher risk, and must make diligent efforts to pay, these loans do indeed serve those who would otherwise be underserved. Continuing the example of an auto loan, the consumer must purchase an automobile which is well within their means, and carries a payment well within their budgets.

[edit] Criticism
“ Subprime is Wall Street's euphemism for junk. ”
—Andy Serwer and Allan Sloan, How Financial Madness Overtook Wall Street, TIME, September 18, 2008

Capital markets operate on the basic premise of risk versus reward. Investors taking a risk on stocks expect a higher rate of return than do investors in risk-free Treasury bills, Guaranteed Investment Certificates, etc. which are backed by the full faith and credit of the issuing country or institution. The same goes for loans. Allegedly less creditworthy subprime borrowers represent a riskier investment, so lenders will charge them a higher interest rate than they would charge a prime borrower for the same loan.

To avoid high initial mortgage payments, many subprime borrowers took out adjustable-rate mortgages (or ARMs) that give them a lower initial interest rate. But with potential annual adjustments of 2% or more per year, these loans can end up costing much more. So a $500,000 loan at a 4% interest rate for 30 years equates to a payment of about $2,400 a month. But the same loan at 10% for 27 years (after the adjustable period ends) equates to a payment of $4,220. A 6-percentage-point increase in the rate caused slightly more than an 75% increase in the payment.[2] This is even more apparent when the lifetime cost of the loan is considered (though most people will want to refinance their loans periodically). The total cost of the above loan at 4% is $864,000, while the higher rate of 10% would incur a lifetime cost of $1,367,280.

On the other hand, interest rates on ARMs can also go down - in the US, some interest rates are tied to federal government-controlled interest rates, so when the Fed cuts rates, ARM rates go down, too. Most subprime ARM loans are tied to LIBOR (London Interbank Offered Rate - a rate trading system originating in Britain). ARM interest rates usually adjust once a year or per quarter, and the rate is based on a calculation specified in the loan documents. Also, most ARMs limit the amount of change in a rate.[3]

[edit] Mortgage discrimination
Main article: Mortgage discrimination
Some subprime lending practices have raised concerns about mortgage discrimination on the basis of race. The NAACP filed a lawsuit in federal court in Los Angeles against 12 mortgage lenders. The lawsuit accuses the companies of steering black borrowers into subprime loans.[8] Black and other minorities disproportionately fall into the category of "subprime borrowers", even when median income levels were comparable, home buyers in minority neighborhoods were more likely to get a loan from a subprime lender.[8] Interest rates and the availability of credit are often tied to credit scores, and the results of a 2004 Texas Department of Insurance study found that of the 2 million Texans surveyed, "black policyholders had average credit scores that were 10% to 35% worse than those of white policyholders. Hispanics' average scores were 5% to 25% worse, while Asians' scores were roughly the same as whites."[9]

[edit] Definition
The meaning of "subprime" changed during the last quarter of the 20th century. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, in 1976 a subprime loan was one with a below-prime interest rate; it wasn't until 1993 that the term took on its present meaning.[10]

The American Dialect Society designated the word "subprime" as the 2007 word of the year on January 4, 2008.[11]

By comparison, FNMA prime loans go to borrowers with

a credit score above 620 (credit scores are between 350 and 850 with a median in the U.S. of 678 and a mean of 723),
a debt-to-income ratio no greater than 45% (meaning that no more than 45% of gross income pays for housing and other debt), and
a combined loan-to-value ratio of 90% (meaning that the borrower is paying a 10% down payment).

[edit] U.S. subprime mortgage crisis
This article or section contains statements that may date quickly and become unclear.
Please improve the article or discuss this issue on the talk page. This article has been tagged since August 2007.

Main article: Subprime mortgage crisis
Beginning in late 2006, the U.S. subprime mortgage industry entered what many observers have begun to refer to as a meltdown. A steep rise in the rate of subprime mortgage defaults and foreclosures has caused more than 100 subprime mortgage lenders to fail or file for bankruptcy, most prominently New Century Financial Corporation, previously the nation's second biggest subprime lender.[12] The failure of these companies has caused prices in the $6.5 trillion mortgage backed securities market to collapse, threatening broader impacts on the U.S. housing market and economy as a whole. The crisis is ongoing and has received considerable attention from the U.S. media and from lawmakers during the first half of 2007.[13][14]

However, the crisis has had far-reaching consequences across the world. Tranches of sub-prime debts were repackaged by banks and trading houses into attractive-looking investment vehicles and securities that were snapped up by banks, traders and hedge funds on the US, European and Asian markets. Thus when the crisis hit the subprime mortgage industry, those who bought into the market suddenly found their investments near-valueless - or impossible to accurately value. Being unable to accurately assess the value of an asset leads to uncertainty, which is never healthy in an investment climate. With market paranoia setting in, banks reined in their lending to each other and to business, leading to rising interest rates and difficulty in maintaining credit lines. As a result, ordinary, run-of-the-mill and healthy businesses across the world with no direct connection whatsoever to US sub-prime suddenly started facing difficulties or even folding due to the banks' unwillingness to budge on credit lines.

Observers of the meltdown have cast blame widely. Some have highlighted the practices of subprime lenders and the lack of effective government oversight.[15] Others have charged mortgage brokers with steering borrowers to unaffordable loans, appraisers with inflating housing values, and Wall Street investors with backing subprime mortgage securities without verifying the strength of the underlying loans. Borrowers have also been criticized for entering into loan agreements they could not meet.[16]

Many accounts of the crisis also highlight the role of falling home prices since 2005. As housing prices rose from 2000 to 2005, borrowers having difficulty meeting their payments were still building equity, thus making it easier for them to refinance or sell their homes. But as home prices have weakened in many parts of the country, these strategies have become less available to subprime borrowers.[17]

Several industry experts have suggested that the crisis may soon worsen. Lewis "Lewie" Ranieri, formerly of Salomon Brothers, considered the inventor of the mortgage-backed securities market in the 1970s, warned of the future impact of mortgage defaults: "This is the leading edge of the storm. … If you think this is bad, imagine what it's going to be like in the middle of the crisis."[18] Echoing these concerns, consumer rights attorney Irv Ackelsberg predicted in testimony to the U.S. Senate Banking Committee that five million foreclosures may occur over the next several years as interest rates on subprime mortgages issued in 2004 and 2005 reset from the initial, lower, fixed rate to the higher, floating adjustable rate or "adjustable rate mortgage".[19] Other experts have raised concerns that the crisis may spread to the so-called Alternative-A (Alt-A) mortgage sector, which makes loans to borrowers with better credit than subprime borrowers at not quite prime rates.[20]

Some economists, including former Federal Reserve Board chairman Alan Greenspan in March 2007, expected subprime-mortgage defaults to cause problems for the economy, especially so if US home prices fell.[21]

Other economists, such as Edward Leamer, an economist with the UCLA Anderson Forecast, doubts home prices will fall dramatically because most owners won't have to sell, but still predicts home values will remain flat or slightly depressed for the next three or four years.[22]

In the UK, some commentators have predicted that the UK housing market will in fact be largely unaffected by the US subprime crisis, and have classed it as a localised phenomenon.[23] However, in September 2007 Northern Rock, the UK's fifth largest mortgage provider, had to seek emergency funding from the Bank of England, the UK's central bank as a result of problems in international credit markets attributed to the sub-prime lending crisis.

As the crisis has unfolded and predictions about it strengthening have increased, some Democratic lawmakers, such as Senators Charles Schumer, Robert Menendez, and Sherrod Brown have suggested that the U.S. government should offer funding to help troubled borrowers avoid losing their homes.[24] Some economists criticize the proposed bailout, saying it could have the effect of causing more defaults or encouraging riskier lending.

On August 15, 2007, concerns about the subprime mortgage lending industry caused a sharp drop in stocks across the Nasdaq and Dow Jones, which affected almost all the stock markets worldwide. Record lows were observed in stock market prices across the Asian and European continents.[25] The U.S. market had recovered all those losses within 2 days.

Concern in late 2007 increased as the August market recovery was lost, in spite of the Fed cutting interest rates by half a point (0.5%) on September 18 and by a quarter point (0.25%) on October 31. Stocks are testing their lows of August now.

On December 6, 2007, President Bush announced a plan to voluntarily and temporarily freeze the mortgages of a limited number of mortgage debtors holding ARMs by the Hope Now Alliance. He also asked members of Congress to: 1. Pass legislation to modernize the FHA. 2. Temporarily reform the tax code to help homeowners refinance during this time of housing market stress. 3. Pass funding to support mortgage counseling. 4. Pass legislation to reform Government Sponsored Enterprises (GSEs) like Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae.[26]

In late March 2008, Friedman Billings Ramsey[27] reported the default rate on securitized subprime loans hit 25.2% in December 2007. Alt-A loan defaults also increased to 8.65%. (The default rate includes loans 90 days or more past due, in foreclosure, and real estate owned.)

en.wikipedia.org



To: Brumar89 who wrote (436830)11/26/2008 11:19:17 AM
From: tejek  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 1575337
 
Here's some more reading material on subprime......I want you to read it over carefully, kumquat. There are parts I have bolded. Those you are to memorize.....there will be a quiz on Monday.

And inode.........you are a bigger fool than Brumar.

Background

The crisis began with the bursting of the United States housing bubble[1][2] and high default rates on "subprime" and adjustable rate mortgages (ARM), beginning in approximately 2005–2006. Government policies and competitive pressures for several years prior to the crisis encouraged higher risk lending practices.[3][4] Further, an increase in loan incentives such as easy initial terms and a long-term trend of rising housing prices had encouraged borrowers to assume difficult mortgages in the belief they would be able to quickly refinance at more favorable terms. However, once interest rates began to rise and housing prices started to drop moderately in 2006–2007 in many parts of the U.S., refinancing became more difficult. Defaults and foreclosure activity increased dramatically as easy initial terms expired, home prices failed to go up as anticipated, and ARM interest rates reset higher. Foreclosures accelerated in the United States in late 2006 and triggered a global financial crisis through 2007 and 2008. During 2007, nearly 1.3 million U.S. housing properties were subject to foreclosure activity, up 79% from 2006.[5]

Financial products called mortgage-backed securities (MBS), which derive their value from mortgage payments and housing prices, had enabled financial institutions and investors around the world to invest in the U.S. housing market. Major banks and financial institutions had borrowed and invested heavily in MBS and reported losses of approximately US$435 billion as of 17 July 2008.[6][7] The liquidity and solvency concerns regarding key financial institutions drove central banks to take action to provide funds to banks to encourage lending to worthy borrowers and to restore faith in the commercial paper markets, which are integral to funding business operations. Governments also bailed out key financial institutions, assuming significant additional financial commitments.

The risks to the broader economy created by the housing market downturn and subsequent financial market crisis were primary factors in several decisions by central banks around the world to cut interest rates and governments to implement economic stimulus packages. These actions were designed to stimulate economic growth and inspire confidence in the financial markets. Effects on global stock markets due to the crisis have been dramatic. Between 1 January and 11 October 2008, owners of stocks in U.S. corporations had suffered about $8 trillion in losses, as their holdings declined in value from $20 trillion to $12 trillion. Losses in other countries have averaged about 40%.[8] Losses in the stock markets and housing value declines place further downward pressure on consumer spending, a key economic engine.[9] Leaders of the larger developed and emerging nations met in November 2008 to formulate strategies for addressing the crisis.[10]

[edit] The mortgage market

Subprime lending is the practice of lending, mainly in the form of mortgages for the purchase of residences, to borrowers who do not meet the usual criteria for borrowing at the lowest prevailing market interest rate. These criteria pertain to the downpayment and the borrowing household's income level, both as a fraction of the amount borrowed, and to the borrowing household's employment status and credit history. If a borrower is delinquent in making timely mortgage payments to the loan servicer (a bank or other financial firm), the lender can take possession of the residence acquired using the proceeds from the mortgage, in a process called foreclosure.

The value of USA subprime mortgages was estimated at $1.3 trillion as of March 2007, [11] with over 7.5 million first-lien subprime mortgages outstanding.[12] In the third quarter of 2007, subprime ARMs making up only 6.8% of USA mortgages outstanding also accounted for 43% of the foreclosures begun during that quarter.[13] By October 2007, approximately 16% of subprime adjustable rate mortgages (ARM) were either 90-days delinquent or the lender had begun foreclosure proceedings, roughly triple the rate of 2005.[14] By January 2008, the delinquency rate had risen to 21%.[15] and by May 2008 it was 25%.[16]

The value of all outstanding residential mortgages, owed by USA households to purchase residences housing at most 4 families, was US$9.9 trillion as of yearend 2006, and US$10.6 trillion as of midyear 2008.[17] During 2007, lenders had begun foreclosure proceedings on nearly 1.3 million properties, a 79% increase over 2006.[18] As of August 2008, 9.2% of all mortgages outstanding were either delinquent or in foreclosure.[19] 936,439 USA residences completed foreclosure between August 2007 and October 2008.[20]

[edit] Credit risk

Understanding financial leverage.Credit risk arises because a borrower has the option of defaulting on the loan he owes. Traditionally, lenders (who were primarily thrifts) bore the credit risk on the mortgages they issued. Over the past 60 years, a variety of financial innovations have gradually made it possible for lenders to sell the right to receive the payments on the mortgages they issue, through a process called securitization. The resulting securities are called mortgage backed securities (MBS) and collateralized debt obligations (CDO). Most American mortgages are now held by mortgage pools, the generic term for MBS and CDOs. Of the $10.6 trillion of USA residential mortgages outstanding as of midyear 2008, $6.6 trillion were held by mortgage pools, and $3.4 trillion by traditional depository institutions. [21]

This "originate to distribute" model means that investors holding MBS and CDOs also bear several types of risks, and this has a variety of consequences. There are four primary types of risk:

[22][23] When homeowners default, the payments received by MBS and CDO investors decline and the perceived credit risk rises. This has had a significant adverse effect on investors and the entire mortgage industry. The effect is magnified by the high debt levels (financial leverage) households and businesses have incurred in recent years. Finally, the risks associated with American mortgage lending have global impacts, because a major consequence of MBS and CDOs is a closer integration of the USA housing and mortgage markets with global financial markets.

Investors in MBS and CDOs can insure against credit risk by buying credit defaults swaps (CDS). As mortgage defaults rose, the likelihood that the issuers of CDS would have to pay their counterparties increased. This created uncertainty across the system, as investors wondered if CDS issuers would honor their commitments.

[edit] Causes
The reasons proposed for this crisis are varied[24][25] and complex.[26] The crisis can be attributed to a number of factors pervasive in both housing and credit markets, factors which emerged over a number of years. Causes proposed include the inability of homeowners to make their mortgage payments, poor judgment by borrowers and/or lenders, speculation and overbuilding during the boom period, risky mortgage products, high personal and corporate debt levels, financial products that distributed and perhaps concealed the risk of mortgage default, monetary policy, and government regulation (or the lack thereof).[27]

In its "Declaration of the Summit on Financial Markets and the World Economy," dated 15 November 2008, leaders of the Group of 20 cited the following causes:

“ "During a period of strong global growth, growing capital flows, and prolonged stability earlier this decade, market participants sought higher yields without an adequate appreciation of the risks and failed to exercise proper due diligence. At the same time, weak underwriting standards, unsound risk management practices, increasingly complex and opaque financial products, and consequent excessive leverage combined to create vulnerabilities in the system. Policy-makers, regulators and supervisors, in some advanced countries, did not adequately appreciate and address the risks building up in financial markets, keep pace with financial innovation, or take into account the systemic ramifications of domestic regulatory actions."[28] ”

Low interest rates and large inflows of foreign funds created easy credit conditions for a number of years prior to the crisis.[29] The USA home ownership rate increased from 64% in 1994 (about where it had been since 1980) to an all-time high of 69.2% in 2004.[30] Subprime lending was a major contributor to this increase in home ownership rates and in the overall demand for housing.

This rise in demand fueled rising house prices and consumer spending.[31] Between 1997 and 2006, the price of the typical American house increased by 124%.[32] During the two decades ending in 2001, the national median home price ranged from 2.9 to 3.1 times median household income. This ratio rose to 4.0 in 2004, and 4.6 in 2006.[33] This housing bubble resulted in quite a few homeowners refinancing their homes at lower interest rates, or financing consumer spending by taking out second mortgages secured by the price appreciation. USA household debt as a percentage of annual disposable personal income was 142% at the end of 2007, versus 101% in 1999.[34]

A culture of consumerism is a factor "in an economy based on immediate gratification."[35] Americans spent $800 billion per year more than they earned. Household debt grew from $705 billion at yearend 1974, 60% of disposable personal income, to $7.4 trillion at yearend 2000, and finally to $14.5 trillion in midyear 2008, 134% of disposable personal income.[36] During 2008, the typical USA household owned 13 credit cards, with 40% of households carrying a balance, up from 6% in 1970.[37]

This credit and house price explosion led to a building boom and a surplus of unsold homes. House prices began to decline in the summer of 2006. Easy credit, and a belief that house prices would continue to appreciate, encouraged many subprime borrowers to obtain adjustable-rate mortgages. These mortgages enticed borrowers with a below market interest rate for some predetermined period, followed by market interest rates for the remainder of the mortgage's term. Borrowers who could not make the higher payments once the initial grace period ended would try to refinance their mortgages. Refinancing became more difficult, once house prices began to decline in many parts of the USA. Borrowers who found themselves unable to escape higher monthly payments by refinancing began to default.

As of March 2008, an estimated 8.8 million homeowners — 10.8% of all homeowners — had zero or negative equity in their homes, meaning their homes were worth less than their mortgages. Homeowners in this situation have an incentive to "walk away" from the homes, even though doing so damages their credit rating for a number of years.[38] The reasons is that unlike what is the case in most other countries, American residential mortgages are non-recourse loans; once the creditor has regained the property purchased with a mortgage in default, he has no further claim against the defaulting borrower's income or assets. By November 2008, an estimated 12 million USA homeowners had negative equity. As more borrowers stop paying their mortgage payments, foreclosures and the supply of homes for sale increase. This places downward pressure on housing prices, which further lowers homeowners' equity. The decline in mortgage payments also reduces the value of mortgage-backed securities, which erodes the net worth and financial health of banks. This vicious cycle is at the heart of the crisis.[39]

Increasing foreclosure rates increases the inventory of houses offered for sale. The number of new homes sold in 2007 was 26.4% less than in the preceding year. By January 2008, the inventory of unsold new homes was 9.8 times the December 2007 sales volume, the highest value of this ratio since 1981.[40] Furthermore, nearly four million existing homes were for sale,[41] of which almost 2.9 million were vacant.[42]

This overhang of unsold homes excess lowered house prices. As prices declined, more homeowners were at risk of default or foreclosure. By November 2007, the S&P/Case-Shiller price index of USA house prices had declined about 8% from its Q2 2006 peak,[43] and by May 2008 it had fallen 18.4%.[44] The price decline between December 2006 and December 2007, was 10.4%, and by May 2008 the index had declined 15.8%.[45] House prices are expected to continue declining until this inventory of unsold homes (an instance of excess supply) declines to normal levels.

[edit] Speculation

Speculation in residential real estate has been a contributing factor. During 2006, 22% of homes purchased (1.65 million units) were for investment purposes, with an additional 14% (1.07 million units) purchased as vacation homes. During 2005, these figures were 28% and 12%, respectively. In other words, a record level of nearly 40% of homes purchases were not intended as primary residences. David Lereah, NAR's chief economist at the time, stated that the 2006 decline in investment buying was expected: "Speculators left the market in 2006, which caused investment sales to fall much faster than the primary market."[46]

While homes had not traditionally been treated as investments, this behavior changed during the housing boom. For example, one company estimated that as many as 85% of condominium properties purchased in Miami were for investment purposes. Media widely reported condominiums being purchased while under construction, then being "flipped" (sold) for a profit without the seller ever having lived in them.[47] Some mortgage companies identified risks inherent in this activity as early as 2005, after identifying investors assuming highly leveraged positions in multiple properties.[48]

Economist Robert Shiller argues that speculative bubbles are fueled by "contagious optimism, seemingly impervious to facts, that often takes hold when prices are rising. Bubbles are primarily social phenomena; until we understand and address the psychology that fuels them, they're going to keep forming."[49] Keynesian economist Hyman Minsky described three types of speculative borrowing that contribute to rising debt and an eventual collapse of asset values:[50][51]

The "hedge borrower," who expects to make debt payments from cash flows from other investments;
The "speculative borrower," who borrows believing that he can service the interest on his loan, but who must continually roll over the principal into new investments;
The "Ponzi borrower," who relies on the appreciation of the value of his assets to refinance or pay off his debt, while being unable to repay the original loan.
Speculative borrowing has been cited as a contributing factor to the subprime mortgage crisis.[52]

[edit] High-risk mortgage loans and lending practices
Lenders began to offer more and more loans to higher-risk borrowers,[53] including illegal immigrants.[54] Subprime mortgages amounted to $35 billion (5% of total originations) in 1994,[55] 9% in 1996,[56] $160 billion (13%) in 1999,[55] and $600 billion (20%) in 2006.[56][57][58] A study by the Federal Reserve found that the average difference between subprime and prime mortgage interest rates (the "subprime markup") declined from 280 basis points in 2001, to 130 basis points in 2007. In other words, the risk premium required by lenders to offer a subprime loan declined. This occurred even though the credit ratings of subprime borrowers, and the characteristics of subprime loans, both declined during the 2001–2006 period, which should have had the opposite effect. The combination of declining risk premia and credit standards is common to classic boom and bust credit cycles.[59]

In addition to considering higher-risk borrowers, lenders have offered increasingly risky loan options and borrowing incentives. In 2005, the median down payment for first-time home buyers was 2%, with 43% of those buyers making no down payment whatsoever.[60]

One high-risk option was the "No Income, No Job and no Assets" loans, sometimes referred to as Ninja loans. Another example is the interest-only adjustable-rate mortgage (ARM), which allows the homeowner to pay just the interest (not principal) during an initial period. Still another is a "payment option" loan, in which the homeowner can pay a variable amount, but any interest not paid is added to the principal. An estimated one-third of ARMs originated between 2004 and 2006 had "teaser" rates below 4%, which then increased significantly after some initial period, as much as doubling the monthly payment.[61]

Mortgage underwriting practices have also been criticized, including automated loan approvals that critics argued were not subjected to appropriate review and documentation.[62] In 2007, 40% of all subprime loans resulted from automated underwriting.[63][64] The chairman of the Mortgage Bankers Association claimed that mortgage brokers, while profiting from the home loan boom, did not do enough to examine whether borrowers could repay.[65] Outright fraud has also increased.[66]

[edit] Securitization practices

Borrowing under a securitization structure.Securitization, a form of structured finance, involves the pooling of financial assets, especially those for which there is no ready secondary market, such as mortgages, credit card receivables, student loans. The pooled assets serve as collateral for new financial assets issued by the entity (mostly GSEs and investment banks) owning the underlying assets.[67] The diagram at right shows how there are many parties involved.

Securitization, combined with investor appetite for mortgage-backed securities (MBS), and the high ratings formerly granted to MBSs by rating agencies, meant that mortgages with a high risk of default could be originated almost at will, with the risk shifted from the mortgage issuer to investors at large. Securitization meant that issuers could repeatedly relend a given sum, greatly increasing their fee income. Since issuers no longer carried any default risk, they had every incentive to lower their underwriting standards to increase their loan volume and total profit.

The traditional mortgage model involved a bank originating a loan to the borrower/homeowner and retaining the credit (default) risk. With the advent of securitization, the traditional model has given way to the "originate to distribute" model, in which the credit risk is transferred (distributed) to investors through MBS and CDOs. Securitization created a secondary market for mortgages, and meant that those issuing mortgages were no longer required to hold them to maturity.

Asset securitization began with the creation of private mortgage pools in the 1970s.[68] Securitization accelerated in the mid-1990s. The total amount of mortgage-backed securities issued almost tripled between 1996 and 2007, to $7.3 trillion. The securitized share of subprime mortgages (i.e., those passed to third-party investors via MBS) increased from 54% in 2001, to 75% in 2006.[59] Alan Greenspan has stated that the current global credit crisis cannot be blamed on mortgages being issued to households with poor credit, but rather on the securitization of such mortgages.[69]

Investment banks sometimes placed the MBS they originated or purchased into off-balance sheet entities called structured investment vehicles or special purpose entities. Moving the debt "off the books" enabled large financial institutions to circumvent capital requirements, thereby increasing profits but augmenting risk. Such off-balance sheet financing is sometimes referred to as the shadow banking system, and is thinly regulated.[70]

Some believe that mortgage standards became lax because securitization gave rise to a form of moral hazard, whereby each link in the mortgage chain made a profit while passing any associated credit risk to the next link in the chain.[71][72] At the same time, some financial firms retained significant amounts of the MBS they originated, thereby retaining significant amounts of credit risk and so were less guilty of moral hazard. Some argue this was not a flaw in the securitization concept per se, but in its implementation.[22]

In 1995, the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) was revised to allow CRA mortgages to be securitized. In 1997, Bear Sterns was the first to take advantage of this law.[73] Under the CRA guidelines, a mortgage issuer receives credit for originating subprime mortgages, or buying mortgages on a whole loan basis, but not holding subprime mortgages. This rewarded issuers for originating subprime mortgages, then selling them to others who would securitize them. Thus any credit risk in subprime mortgages was passed from the issuer to others, including financial firms and investors around the globe.

[edit] Inaccurate credit ratings
Main article: Credit rating agencies and the subprime crisis

MBS credit rating downgrades, by quarter.Credit rating agencies are now under scrutiny for having given investment-grade ratings to CDOs and MBSs based on subprime mortgage loans. These high ratings were believed justified because of risk reducing practices, including over-collateralization (pledging collateral in excess of debt issued), credit default insurance, and equity investors willing to bear the first losses. However, there are also indications that some involved in rating subprime-related securities knew at the time that the rating process was faulty. Emails exchanged between employees of rating agencies, dated before credit markets deteriorated and put in the public domain by USA Congressional investigators, suggest that some rating agency employees suspected that lax standards for rating structured credit products would result in major problems.[74] For example, one 2006 internal Email from Standard & Poor's stated that "Rating agencies continue to create and [sic] even bigger monster—the CDO market. Let's hope we are all wealthy and retired by the time this house of cards falters."[75]

High ratings encouraged investors to buy securities backed by subprime mortgages, helping finance the housing boom. The reliance on agency ratings and the way ratings were used to justify investments led many investors to treat securitized products — some based on subprime mortgages — as equivalent to higher quality securities. This was exacerbated by the SEC's removal of regulatory barriers and its reduction of disclosure requirements, all in the wake of the Enron scandal.[76] Critics allege that the rating agencies suffered from conflicts of interest, as they were paid by investment banks and other firms that organize and sell structured securities to investors.[77] On 11 June 2008, the SEC proposed rules designed to mitigate perceived conflicts of interest between rating agencies and issuers of structured securities.[78]

Between Q3 2007 and Q2 2008, rating agencies lowered the credit ratings on $1.9 trillion in mortgage backed securities. Financial institutions felt they had to lower the value of their MBS and acquire additional capital so as to maintain capital ratios. If this involved the sale of new shares of stock, the value of the existing shares was reduced. Thus ratings downgrades lowered the stock prices of many financial firms.[79]

[edit] Government policies
Main article: Government policies and the subprime mortgage crisis
Both government action and inaction have contributed to the crisis. Some are of the opinion that the current American regulatory framework is outdated. President George W. Bush stated in September 2008: "Once this crisis is resolved, there will be time to update our financial regulatory structures. Our 21st century global economy remains regulated largely by outdated 20th century laws."[80] The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has conceded that self-regulation of investment banks contributed to the crisis.[81][82]

Increasing home ownership was a goal of the Clinton and Bush administrations.[83][84][85] There is evidence that the Federal government leaned on the mortgage industry, including Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac (the GSE), to lower lending standards.[86][87][88] Also, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development's (HUD) mortgage policies fueled the trend towards issuing risky loans.[89][90]

In 1995, the GSE began receiving government incentive payments for purchasing mortgage backed securities which included loans to low income borrowers. Thus began the involvement of the GSE with the subprime market.[91] Subprime mortgage originations rose by 25% per year between 1994 and 2003, resulting in a nearly ten-fold increase in the volume of subprime mortgages in just nine years.[92] The relatively high yields on these securities, in a time of low interest rates, were very attractive to Wall Street, and while Fannie and Freddie generally bought only the least risky subprime mortgages, these purchases encouraged the entire subprime market.[93] In 1996, HUD directed the GSE that at least 42% of the mortgages they purchased should have been issued to borrowers whose household income was below the median in their area. This target was increased to 50% in 2000 and 52% in 2005.[94]

By 2008, the GSE owned, either directly or through mortgage pools they sponsored, $5.1 trillion in residential mortgages, about half the amount outstanding.[95] The GSE have always been highly leveraged, their net worth as of 30 June 2008 being a mere US$114 billion.[96] When concerns arose in September 2008 regarding the ability of the GSE to make good on their guarantees, the Federal government was forced to place the companies into a conservatorship, effectively nationalizing them at the taxpayers' expense.[97][98]

Liberal economist Robert Kuttner has suggested that the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act by the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act of 1999 may have contributed to the subprime meltdown, but this is controversial.[99][100] The Federal government bailout of thrifts during the savings and loan crisis of the late 1980s may have encouraged other lenders to make risky loans, and thus given rise to moral hazard.[101]

Economists have also debated the possible effects of the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA), with detractors claiming that the Act encouraged lending to uncreditworthy borrowers.[102][103][104][105] and defenders claiming a thirty year history of lending without increased risk.[106][107][108][109] Detractors also claim that amendments to the CRA in the mid-1990s, raised the amount of mortgages issued to otherwise unqualified low-income borrowers, and also allowed for the first time the securitization of CRA-regulated mortgages even though some of these were subprime.[110][111]

[edit] Policies of central banks
Central banks manage monetary policy and may target the rate of inflation. They have some authority over commercial banks and possibly other financial institutions. They are less concerned with avoiding asset price bubbles, such as the housing bubble and dot-com bubble. Central banks have generally chosen to react after such bubbles burst so as to minimize collateral damage to the economy, rather than trying to prevent or stop the bubble itself. This is because identifying an asset bubble and determining the proper monetary policy to deflate it are matters of debate among economists.[112][113]

Some market observers have been concerned that Federal Reserve actions could give rise to moral hazard. Some industry officials said that the Federal Reserve Bank of New York's rescue of Long-Term Capital Management in 1998 would encourage large financial institutions to believe that the Federal Reserve would intervene on their behalf if things went sour because they had made risky loans.[114]

A contributing factor to the rise in house prices was the Federal Reserve's lowering of interest rates early in the decade. From 2000 to 2003, the Federal Reserve lowered the federal funds rate target from 6.5% to 1.0%.[115] This was done to soften the effects of the collapse of the dot-com bubble and of the September 2001 terrorist attacks, and to combat the perceived risk of deflation.[112] The Fed believed that interest rates could be lowered safely primarily because the rate of inflation was low; it disregarded other important factors. Richard W. Fisher, President and CEO of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, said that the Fed's interest rate policy during the early 2000s was misguided, because measured inflation in those years was below true inflation, which led to a monetary policy that contributed to the housing bubble.[116]

[edit] Financial institution debt levels and incentives

Leverage Ratios of Investment Banks Increased Significantly 2003–2007Many financial institutions, investment banks in particular, issued large amounts of debt during 2004–2007, and invested the proceeds in mortgage-backed securities (MBS), essentially betting that house prices would continue to rise, and that households would continue to make their mortgage payments. Borrowing at a lower interest rate and investing the proceeds at a higher interest rate is a form of financial leverage. This is analogous to an individual taking out a second mortgage on his residence to invest in the stock market. This strategy proved profitable during the housing boom, but resulted in large losses when house prices began to decline and mortgages began to default. Beginning in 2007, financial institutions and individual investors holding MBS also suffered significant losses from mortgage payment defaults and the resulting decline in the value of MBS.[23]

A 2004 SEC ruling allowed USA investment banks to issue substantially more debt, which was then used to purchase MBS. Over 2004-07, the top five US investment banks each significantly increased their financial leverage (see diagram), which increased their vulnerability to the declining value of MBSs. These five institutions reported over $4.1 trillion in debt for fiscal year 2007, about 30% of USA nominal GDP for 2007. Three investment banks either went bankrupt (Lehman Brothers) or were sold at fire sale prices to other banks (Bear Stearns and Merrill Lynch) during September 2008. The failure of 3 of the 5 large USA investment banks augmented the instability in the global financial system. The remaining two investment banks, J P Morgan and Goldman Sachs, opted to become commercial banks, thereby subjecting themselves to more stringent regulation.[117]

The New York State Comptroller's Office has said that in 2006, Wall Street executives took home bonuses totaling $23.9 billion. "Wall Street traders were thinking of the bonus at the end of the year, not the long-term health of their firm. The whole system—from mortgage brokers to Wall Street risk managers—seemed tilted toward taking short-term risks while ignoring long-term obligations. The most damning evidence is that most of the people at the top of the banks didn't really understand how those [investments] worked."[33]

[edit] Credit default swaps
Credit defaults swaps (CDS) are insurance contracts used to protect debtholders, in particular MBS investors, from the risk of default. As the net worth of banks and other financial institutions deteriorated because of losses related to subprime mortgages, the likelihood increased that those providing the insurance would have to pay their counterparties. This created uncertainty across the system, as investors wondered which companies would be required to pay to cover mortgage defaults.

Like all swaps and other financial derivatives, CDS may either be used to hedge risks (specifically, to insure creditors against default) or to profit from speculation. The volume of CDS outstanding increased 100-fold from 1998 to 2008, with estimates of the debt covered by CDS contracts, as of November 2008, ranging from US$33 to $47 trillion.[118] CDS are lightly regulated. As of 2008, there was no central clearinghouse to honor CDS in the event a party to a CDS proved unable to perform his obligations under the CDS contract. Required disclosure of CDS-related obligations has been criticized as inadequate. Insurance companies such as American International Group (AIG), MBIA, and Ambac faced ratings downgrades because widespread mortgage defaults increased their potential exposure to CDS losses. These firms had to obtain additional funds (capital) to offset this exposure. AIG's having CDSs insuring $440 billion of MBS resulted in its seeking and obtaining a Federal government bailout.[119]

Like all swaps and other pure wagers, what one party loses under a CDS, the other party gains; CDSs merely reallocate existing wealth. Hence the question is which side of the CDS will have to pay and will it be able to do so. When investment bank Lehman Brothers went bankrupt in September 2008, there was much uncertainty as to which financial firms would be required to honor the CDS contracts on its $600 billion of bonds outstanding.[120][121] Merrill Lynch's large losses in 2008 were attributed in part to the drop in value of its unhedged portfolio of collateralized debt obligations (CDOs) after AIG ceased offering CDS on Merrill's CDOs. The loss of condidence of trading partners in Merrill Lynch's solvency and its ability to refinance its short-term debt led to its acquisition by the Bank of America.[122][123]

[edit] Impact
Main articles: Financial crisis

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