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Politics : President Barack Obama -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Metacomet who wrote (99908)8/20/2011 5:53:26 PM
From: ChinuSFO  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 149317
 
You mean real marketing and not propaganda like Goebbels did.



To: Metacomet who wrote (99908)8/20/2011 8:09:32 PM
From: koan  Respond to of 149317
 
Well said!!

Pouring piss out of a boot-lol.



To: Metacomet who wrote (99908)8/20/2011 11:15:15 PM
From: zeta1961  Respond to of 149317
 
Metacomet: excellent post re: Ds and marketing....thanks.



To: Metacomet who wrote (99908)8/21/2011 1:58:23 PM
From: tejek  Respond to of 149317
 
This article plays right into what you were saying. The author throws out numbers without any links that the reader must accept on good faith. In the process, he develops his thesis in which all Americans hate cities; hate non sunbelt parts of the country and want to live in places where there are few regulations.

And then if that wasn't strong enough, he finishes his article by saying that even liberals are really conservatives. In other words, there is no such thing as liberalism. And this is the kind of crap that dominates American airwaves.

Oh yeah..........the author is a conservative.......as if you couldn't tell.

Watch how they move

2:29 PM, Aug. 17, 2011 |

Americans are used to voting with their feet. You don't like it here? You can move over there. It's an old American tradition.

New research by demographers Wendell Cox and Joel Kotkin offers counterintuitive insight into why Americans pick up and move where they do. Policymakers beware. Regardless of what we say we believe when we vote for political candidates, we Americans vote with our feet as if we're conservatives: We prefer low taxes, light regulation, school choice and jobs created by a robust free market.

For some time, elite theorists have predicted that empty-nester boomers would move to exciting urban centers. Developers financed plenty of downtown condos based on that theory -- a bad decision for some.

Why? Because, according to Cox and Kotkin, city centers have 12 percent fewer boomers today than a decade ago as the new retiring class heads for suburban enclaves around cities such as Las Vegas; Phoenix; Orlando, Fla.; Raleigh and Charlotte, N.C.; San Antonio and other Sun Belt destinations. This may not be the Woodstock generation you remember.

Boomers have settled in places that have less burdensome public bureaucracies, more affordable housing, less density and a good quality of life.

Cox and Kotkin studied people in their 20s and 30s. In the past decade, their ranks have grown 12 percent in the suburbs and declined 23 percent in urban centers. Like their boomer parents, they have moved to places such as Las Vegas, Phoenix, Orlando, and so on.

As they advance in their careers, get married and look for a home, they choose lower-cost, low-tax areas with good schools around growing cities. Media types in New York and Hollywood and academics in Boston might deride Sun Belt regions as dull and monochrome, but young people are flocking there -- and away from New York, LA and Boston.

And when Cox and Kotkin studied cities whose 5- to 17-year-old populations grew the most, the list looked the same. The Sun Belt is awash in playgrounds and soccer fields.

What's going on? Why are young and old and everyone in between choosing bland Sun Belt enclaves over the bustling city centers in which movies are always set? As it turns out, when Americans are given a choice, they typically select regions of opportunity over elite addresses.

What do the fast-growing regions have in common? They make it easier to buy a home, start a business, choose a good school for your kids, and keep more of what you earn. Their public services live up to their name.

In terms of public policy these places generally have favorable tax climates, lighter regulation, better schooling options and attractive business environments. Right-to-work states and states with no income tax grew at a much faster pace than other states.

Polices matter more than location. One demographer has said that Indianapolis has "a profile closer to the Sun Belt than the Rust Belt" owing to a population growth rate 50 percent higher than the national average over the past decade. Sun, it turns out, is overrated.

People are leaving the coastal sun in California for the humidity of Houston because they like jobs and affordable homes instead of high taxes, onerous regulations and "public services" that serve government workers rather than the public.

Lawmakers, governors and policymakers would do well to take away the following from the Cox-Kotkin research:

Affordability matters more than "cool." Focus on cost-spiking housing regulations first, and hip urban bars later. Do both if you can, but get the order right.

Let job creators do their work. A good jobs environment in which new businesses are forming and companies are moving into town is directly related to the regulatory burden on them.

School choice isn't just a policy; it's another name for migration. Millions of Americans exercise school choice every year by moving to be near good schools. If urban planners want people to move back downtown, focus on schools before building more loft condos.

Most people are conservative, even if they vote as liberals. Gallup finds this year after year, and people's migration patterns reinforce this point. So, regardless of your political affiliation, appealing to people's conservative instincts is a recipe for growth.

Streeter is editor of www.conservativehome.com and a distinguished fellow at the Sagamore Institute.



To: Metacomet who wrote (99908)8/21/2011 2:56:02 PM
From: tejek  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 149317
 
Now here is the more reasoned [probably liberal] approach to the same issues broached in the article I posted earlier. Notice the greater attention to detail......and all the citations at the bottom of the page. Great article........only problem.....most Americans won't read it.......too complex.

Tax Flight Is a Myth

Higher State Taxes Bring More Revenue, Not More Migration

Executive Summary Attacks on sorely-needed increases in state tax revenues often include the unproven claim that tax hikes will drive large numbers of households — particularly the most affluent — to other states. The same claim also is used to justify new tax cuts. Compelling evidence shows that this claim is false. The effects of tax increases on migration are, at most, small — so small that states that raise income taxes on the most affluent households can be assured of a substantial net gain in revenue.

The basic facts, as this report explains, are as follows:

  • Migration is not common. Most people have strong ties to their current state, such as job, home, family, friends, and community. On average, just 1.7 percent of U.S. residents moved from one state to another per year between 2001 and 2010, and only about 30 percent of those born in the United States change their state of residence over the course of their entire lifetime. And when people do relocate, a large body of scholarly evidence shows that they do so primarily for new jobs, cheaper housing, or a better climate. A person’s age, education, marital status, and a host of other factors also affect decisions about moving.
  • The migration that’s occurring is much more likely to be driven by cheaper housing than by lower taxes. A family might be able to cut its taxes by a few percentage points by moving from one state to another, but housing costs are far more variable. The difference between housing costs in two different states is often many times greater than the difference in taxes. So what might look like migration in search of lower taxes is really often migration for cheaper housing.

    Consider Florida, often claimed as a state that attracts households because of its low taxes (Florida has no income tax). In the latter half of the 2000s, the previously rapid influx of U.S. migrants into Florida slowed and then reversed — Florida actually started losing population. The state enacted no tax policy change that can explain this reversal. What did change was housing prices. Previously, the state’s lower housing prices had enabled Northeastern homeowners to increase their personal wealth by selling their pricey houses and purchasing a comparable or better home in Florida at a lower price. But housing prices in Florida rose sharply during the mid-2000s, narrowing opportunities for Northeasterners to “trade up” on their expensive homes. And consider California: its loss of households to other Western states is often ascribed to tax differentials, but — as this report shows — housing-cost differentials are typically much, much larger.
  • Recent research shows income tax increases cause little or no interstate migration. Perhaps the most carefully designed study to date on this issue concerned the potential migration impact of New Jersey’s 2004 tax increase on filers with incomes exceeding $500,000. It found that while the net out-migration rate of this income group accelerated after the tax increase went into effect, so did the net out-migration rate of filers with incomes between $200,000 and $500,000, and by virtually the same amount. At most, the authors estimated, 70 tax filers earning more than $500,000 might have left New Jersey between 2004 and 2007 because of the tax increase, costing the state an estimated $16.4 million in tax revenue. The revenue gain from the tax increase over those years was an estimated $3.77 billion, meaning that out-migration — if there was any at all — reduced the estimated revenue gain from the tax increase by a mere 0.4 percent.
  • Low taxes can prevent a state from maintaining the kinds of high-quality public services that potential migrants value. Studies show that such amenities as cultural facilities, recreational opportunities, and good public services are powerful attractions for potential migrants. Many of those services are financed with tax dollars. Therefore, while low taxes decrease the cost of living, they might also prevent states from preserving or improving valued public services, which would discourage potential migrants.
Thus, while a few affluent households might leave a state because their income taxes are increased, the vast majority stay, and states gain a significant net increase in revenue to help support important services.

Against this evidence, anti-tax advocates, policymakers, and journalists continue to rely on a few deeply flawed studies and incomplete anecdotes to back up the taxation-migration myth. Among the most-often cited examples:

  • A business-financed Oregon study received much attention for purporting to show that Portland residents were moving to Washington State to avoid Oregon’s higher income tax in general and a temporary increase in the county where Portland is located in particular. But the study failed to take key facts into account. For example, Oregon taxes the wages of people who work in the state even if they live elsewhere, so people who continued to work in Oregon could not avoid paying Oregon income tax on their wages by moving to Washington. In addition, a local economic boom in Portland and other factors were causing housing prices to rise faster on the Oregon side of the border than on the Washington side during the period the study covered. In all likelihood, whatever net migration was occurring reflected housing price differentials (as well as other potential factors) more than tax differentials — but the study didn’t adjust for that.

  • High-profile critics of New Jersey’s above-mentioned tax increase — from the state’s governor to the Wall Street Journal — for years have pointed to a Chamber of Commerce-commissioned study showing that, starting in the same year the state enacted the measure, the total wealth of millionaires leaving the state began to exceed the total wealth of millionaires moving to the state. The study, however, was not designed to measure the potential impact of tax changes on those migration patterns; nor did it find a tax impact (its author acknowledges as much). Most of the people the study examined weren’t subject to the tax increase, since the study covered families with a net worth of $1 million or more, many of whom have less than $500,000 a year in taxable income. Nonetheless, the governor is still incorrectly claiming this study as evidence of a tax-migration effect.

  • Critics of Maryland’s 2008 tax increase on income over $1 million point to the sharp decline that year in the number of filers in the state with taxable incomes exceeding $1 million as evidence that wealthy residents were fleeing the state. But an examination of actual tax return data shows that the vast majority of this decline occurred not because people moved out of the state, but because their incomes fell below the $1 million mark due to the recession and stock market crash; they remained on the tax rolls, but in a lower tax bracket.
It would not be credible to argue that no one ever moves to a new state because of the desire to live someplace where taxes are lower. But neither is it credible to say that taxes are a primary motivation, nor that migration has a large impact on the revenue impact of tax measures.

Extensive Research Documents Importance of Non-Tax Factors in Migration Decisions

read more...............

cbpp.org